영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Sociologist Karl Mannheim argued that individuals ①who come of age during the same historical period tend to share a distinctive outlook shaped by the events, technologies, and crises that defined their formative years, a phenomenon he called a generational unit. Because each generation absorbs its foundational assumptions during adolescence and early adulthood, when identity ②are still forming, later generations raised amid different circumstances often ③develop noticeably different values regarding work, authority, and communication, even within the same family. This divergence produces what is commonly called a generational gap, most visible when older members of a household ④interpret a younger relative's habits as a rejection of tradition rather than a rational adaptation to a genuinely different social environment. Mannheim cautioned against viewing either generation as simply right or wrong, insisting instead that each generation's worldview ⑤reflects a coherent response to the particular historical conditions it encountered.

Sociologist Mark Granovetter challenged a common assumption when he found that job seekers were more likely ①to hear about new opportunities from casual acquaintances than from close friends and family. This finding, ②published as the strength of weak ties, rests on a structural insight: close friends tend to belong to the same tight social circle and therefore already share most of the same information, whereas casual acquaintances typically move in different circles and can act as bridges to information a person would otherwise never ③encounter. Weak ties, precisely because they connect otherwise separate networks, ④transmitting novel information more efficiently than the redundant, overlapping ties within a tightly bonded group. Granovetter's insight has since been applied well beyond job searches, ⑤informing research on how innovations spread and how epidemics travel through a population.

Émile Durkheim insisted that sociology could become a genuine science only if it ①identified a distinct subject matter that could not be reduced to individual psychology. He termed this subject matter social facts, ②defining as ways of thinking, feeling, and acting that exist outside any single individual yet exert a coercive influence over that individual's behavior. Language, currency, legal codes, and religious ritual all ③qualify as social facts, since a person is born into these systems already fully formed and must conform to them regardless of personal preference. Durkheim insisted that social facts should be studied as things, meaning they must be ④examined empirically through observable patterns such as statistics. His study of suicide rates exemplified this method, showing that rates varied systematically according to variables such as religious affiliation and marital status, patterns that could not ⑤be explained by individual psychology alone.

For patients born with a single faulty gene, the disease has traditionally ①being treated indirectly, managing symptoms for a lifetime rather than addressing the genetic error itself. Gene therapy attempts something more ambitious: ②delivering a corrected copy of the gene directly into a patient's cells, often using a disabled virus stripped of its ability to cause illness as a delivery vehicle. Once inside the nucleus, the corrected gene can begin producing the protein the patient's body ③had always lacked, in some cases reversing symptoms that medication alone had never been able to touch. Early trials were haunted by serious setbacks, including cases in which the delivery virus triggered a dangerous immune reaction or ④inserted the new gene in a location that disrupted other essential genes. Refined delivery methods have since made the treatment considerably safer, and regulators in several countries have now approved gene therapies for a small but ⑤growing number of rare inherited disorders.

Symbolic interactionism approaches society not as a fixed structure imposed from above but as something continuously constructed through everyday face-to-face interaction, in which individuals interpret and respond to the ①literal meanings that objects, actions, and other people hold for them. Sociologist George Herbert Mead argued that the self itself emerges through this interactive process, as individuals learn to see themselves from the perspective of others, gradually ②internalizing what he called the generalized other, a composite sense of society's expectations. Erving Goffman extended this framework with his dramaturgical approach, comparing social life to a theatrical performance in which individuals ③manage impressions, present different faces in different settings, and carefully control what audiences see backstage versus onstage. Unlike structural theories that emphasize large institutions, symbolic interactionism ④focuses on the small, repeated exchanges through which shared meaning is negotiated, arguing that even stable social structures ultimately depend on countless everyday interactions in which participants continuously ⑤reaffirm the meanings they attach to one another's words and gestures.

Emissions trading, a market-based mechanism for curbing greenhouse gases, allows governments to set an overall limit on carbon output while letting firms trade permits within that limit. Under this system, known as cap-and-trade, companies that cut emissions more ①cheaply than required can sell surplus allowances to firms facing higher reduction costs. Proponents argue that this flexibility lets society reach a given environmental target at the ②lowest overall cost, since abatement shifts toward whoever can achieve it most economically. Critics, however, contend that trading schemes frequently allocate too many permits, a flaw that has historically ③depressed carbon prices and blunted incentives to invest in cleaner technology. For example, early phases of several regional markets granted allowances so generously that permit prices ④collapsed, leaving polluters with little pressure to change their practices. Consequently, many economists now advocate combining trading with a price floor, a minimum permit price that keeps the market from collapsing during weak demand, thereby ⑤undermining the cost-effectiveness for which trading is valued.

When a resource is shared among many users, none of whom bears the full cost of its depletion, _______________. This dynamic, famously labeled the tragedy of the commons, describes how shared pastures and fisheries can be degraded even when every participant privately understands the danger of overuse. A single herder who adds one more animal to a communal pasture gains the entire benefit of that addition, whereas the resulting damage to the grass is shared among other herders who depend on the land. Because self-interest offers no incentive to restrain consumption unilaterally, the resource tends to be exhausted long before any user intends such an outcome. For decades, economists assumed that only two remedies existed: strict regulation or the conversion of shared resources into private property. Elinor Ostrom challenged this assumption, however, by documenting communities that had sustainably managed fisheries and forests for generations through locally devised rules and mutual monitoring rather than external control.

Structural functionalism approaches society as a complex system of interdependent parts, each contributing to the overall stability and smooth operation of the whole, much as organs contribute to the survival of a biological body. (A) Robert Merton refined this framework by distinguishing manifest functions, the intended and openly recognized consequences of a social practice, from latent functions, unintended consequences that nonetheless help sustain the system. (C) Sociologist Talcott Parsons argued that institutions such as the family, education, religion, and government each perform necessary functions, so that removing or weakening any one institution threatens the equilibrium of the entire system. (B) Critics have long charged that functionalism, by emphasizing stability and equilibrium, struggles to explain social conflict and rapid change.

The label "biodegradable," in other words, can be far more conditional than consumers realize. A plastic bag that fully decomposes within months rather than lingering for centuries sounds almost too convenient to be real, yet certain bioplastics on the market do exactly that under the right conditions. ( ① ) Unlike conventional plastic, derived almost entirely from petroleum, many bioplastics are synthesized from renewable feedstocks such as corn starch or sugarcane, sometimes with the help of bacteria engineered to produce plastic-like polymers as a byproduct of their metabolism. ( ② ) Not every bioplastic biodegrades quickly, however. ( ③ ) Some marketed as eco-friendly break down only in industrial composting facilities that reach conditions rarely found in a backyard compost heap or the open ocean. ( ④ ) Critics point out that growing crops for bioplastic production can compete with food crops for farmland and water, complicating the assumption that a biological origin automatically makes a material more sustainable. ( ⑤ ) Researchers are now exploring bioplastics made from agricultural waste and algae instead of dedicated crops, hoping to sidestep this competition for land while preserving the benefits that first made bioplastics appealing.

This detachment, while sometimes criticized as cold or impersonal, also grants urban residents a distinctive freedom: because so few people know or judge them personally, city dwellers can experiment with identities and lifestyles that would invite intense scrutiny in a smaller, more tightly knit community. German sociologist Georg Simmel argued that the psychological experience of city life differs fundamentally from life in small towns, primarily because urban residents are bombarded with a much greater volume of stimuli than the human nervous system evolved to process. ( ① ) To cope with this constant sensory overload, Simmel proposed, city dwellers develop what he called a blasé attitude. ( ② ) This is a protective indifference in which individuals mentally blunt their emotional reaction to the surrounding crowd, treating most encounters with calculated detachment rather than genuine engagement. ( ③ ) Simmel therefore viewed anonymity as a double-edged feature of modern life. ( ④ ) It isolates individuals from deep communal bonds while simultaneously liberating them from the constant surveillance of small-town social life. ( ⑤ )