영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Sociologist Karl Mannheim argued that individuals ① who come of age during the same historical period tend to share a distinctive outlook shaped by the events, technologies, and crises that defined their formative years, a phenomenon he called a generational unit. Because each generation absorbs its foundational assumptions during adolescence and early adulthood, when identity ② are still forming, later generations raised amid different circumstances often ③ develop noticeably different values regarding work, authority, and communication, even within the same family. This divergence produces what is commonly called a generational gap, most visible when older members of a household ④ interpret a younger relative's habits as a rejection of tradition rather than a rational adaptation to a genuinely different social environment. Mannheim cautioned against viewing either generation as simply right or wrong, insisting instead that each generation's worldview ⑤ reflects a coherent response to the particular historical conditions it encountered.

Why do people often overvalue objects they have partly ① built themselves, even when the finished product is objectively inferior to something they could have simply purchased? This puzzle, which researchers ② named after a furniture retailer famous for selling items that require home assembly, challenges the standard economic assumption that value is determined solely by an object's inherent qualities. In a series of experiments, participants who ③ assembled a plain storage box were willing to pay nearly as much for their own imperfect creation as they were for a professionally built version, despite being fully aware of its flaws. Labor, it seems, functions as a kind of psychological investment: once effort has been ④ pour into a task, individuals become reluctant to judge the outcome objectively, because doing so would require admitting that their effort was partly ⑤ wasted.

For our club's spring project, we were told to create a sculpture using only materials collected from the school's recycling bins, and my first reaction was ① disappointment at not being allowed to buy proper art supplies. Sorting through flattened cardboard, broken umbrella frames, and plastic bottle caps, I initially saw nothing but ② trash. My perspective shifted once a senior member showed me a piece she had built the previous year, a bird made entirely of bent bicycle spokes and bottle caps, each cap functioning as a single ③ feather. She explained that upcycling art forces a creator to notice a material's natural shape and texture rather than simply painting over it, which often produces more ④ original results than starting with a blank, expensive canvas. By the end of the project, our team had built a small forest of figures using nothing that anyone had paid for, and the exhibit visitors seemed ⑤ indifferent to our materials, focusing only on our technique instead.

When people look back on a multi-day journey, they ① rarely recall every hour with equal clarity; instead, memory tends to compress the entire experience into just a few representative moments. Psychologists have found that two points carry ② disproportionate weight in this process: the single moment when emotion, whether joy or discomfort, reached its highest intensity, and whatever happened right before the experience concluded. Consider two hikers who complete an identical five-day trek. The first finishes with a ③ grueling, rain-soaked final climb, while the second enjoys a calm, scenic descent on the last afternoon despite having endured an equally difficult ascent earlier in the trip. Even though both hikers faced comparable hardship overall, the second is far ④ less likely to remember the journey fondly, simply because the trip ended pleasantly. This pattern reveals that overall satisfaction is not calculated as an average of every experienced moment; rather, it is shaped disproportionately by whichever moments felt most ⑤ intense and by however the experience happened to end.

When people are asked to judge how risky or beneficial a particular technology is, they ① often conduct anything resembling a careful cost-benefit analysis. Instead, they consult a quick emotional impression, an ② instinctive sense of whether the technology feels good or feels bad, and let that impression guide their entire judgment. This mental shortcut, known as the affect heuristic, produces a ③ curious pattern that traditional risk theory struggles to explain: activities people like tend to be judged as both safer and more beneficial, while activities they dislike are judged as both riskier and less beneficial, even when no logical relationship between risk and benefit exists. For example, when researchers presented a fictional industrial chemical alongside a brief description emphasizing its convenience, participants rated it not only as more useful but also, ④ illogically, as less dangerous. Because emotional impressions form so rapidly and feel so trustworthy, correcting for this heuristic requires ⑤ deliberate effort; simply presenting more accurate statistics to already anxious or enthusiastic audiences rarely changes their underlying judgment.

Our photography club meets every Thursday, and our advisor always repeats the same instruction before we leave campus: _______________. At first this rule frustrated me, since I had joined the club specifically to take pictures, not to stand around empty-handed. Over time, though, I noticed that the members who followed her advice most closely tended to bring back the most interesting photographs. A camera, our advisor explained, cannot teach a person what is worth noticing; it can only record what the photographer has already decided matters. Learning to look carefully, it turns out, is a skill that develops long before a finger ever touches the shutter button.

Psychologists have long wondered whether reading fiction can change how people treat others in real life. Several studies suggest that novels which describe a character's inner thoughts in detail can train readers to imagine what other people are feeling, a skill closely related to empathy. When readers follow a character through difficult choices, they practice stepping into someone else's perspective without any real risk to themselves. This kind of mental practice, researchers argue, can carry over into everyday situations, meaning that _______________. Not every book produces this effect equally, however, since stories focused only on fast action appear to build empathy far less than stories that slow down to explore emotion.

Last summer, our neighborhood association invited students to help paint a mural on the long wall beside the community center, and nearly forty volunteers with completely different painting abilities showed up on the first day. (A) When the plastic sheets finally came down, the mural looked remarkably unified, not despite the many different hands involved, but because each hand had been given a task suited to what it could do well. (B) The project leader solved this by dividing the huge design into small, connected sections and assigning each volunteer a section matched to their comfort level, from simple solid-color backgrounds to detailed flowers. (C) I worried that combining so many different skill levels would create an ugly, mismatched result, since some volunteers had painted for years while others, including me, had never held a large brush before.

Anyone who has tried to name the ink color of a word like red printed in blue letters knows how surprisingly difficult the task can feel. This everyday struggle, known as the Stroop effect, deserves more attention than casual curiosity grants it, because it reveals something fundamental about how the mind allocates its limited resources. (A) Educators should not dismiss this delay as a trivial curiosity confined to laboratories, since the same competition between habit and intention underlies far more consequential situations, such as a driver's struggle to resist checking a phone despite knowing the danger. Recognizing how automatic responses can hijack conscious intentions is essential for designing environments, from classrooms to highways, that support rather than undermine our efforts at self-control. (B) When these two processes point toward conflicting answers, the automatic pathway tends to intrude upon the controlled one, slowing responses and increasing errors. (C) Reading a familiar word is an automatic process practiced so extensively since childhood that it proceeds almost involuntarily, whereas naming a color requires deliberate, controlled attention.

Emissions trading, a market-based mechanism for curbing greenhouse gases, allows governments to set an overall limit on carbon output while letting firms trade permits within that limit. (A) Under this system, known as cap-and-trade, companies that cut emissions more cheaply than required can sell surplus allowances to firms facing higher reduction costs. Proponents argue that this flexibility lets society reach a given environmental target at the lowest overall cost, since abatement shifts toward whoever can achieve it most economically. (B) Consequently, many economists now advocate combining trading with a price floor, a minimum permit price that keeps the market from collapsing during weak demand, thereby preserving the cost-effectiveness for which trading is valued. (C) Critics, however, contend that trading schemes frequently allocate too many permits, a flaw that has historically depressed carbon prices and blunted incentives to invest in cleaner technology. For example, early phases of several regional markets granted allowances so generously that permit prices collapsed, leaving polluters with little pressure to change their practices.