영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

When someone's heart suddenly stops beating, the brain begins ①to suffer damage within minutes unless blood keeps circulating, which is why the actions taken by an ordinary bystander before paramedics arrive can matter as much as the treatment given at the hospital. Studies show that a person who ②receives CPR immediately from someone nearby is far more likely to survive than one who waits for professional help to arrive. Despite this, many people hesitate to start chest compressions, ③worried that they might break a rib or make the situation worse. Medical instructors respond to this fear: a cracked rib heals, but a brain ④depriving of oxygen for too long does not. Modern CPR training has also been simplified, focusing on firm, rhythmic chest compressions rather than the more complicated combination of breaths and compressions once required, ⑤making the skill easier for ordinary students to learn and remember under pressure.

Many people believe that ①building a new habit requires strong willpower or motivation. However, psychologist BJ Fogg argues that habits form more easily when a behavior itself ②become simple to perform. His theory, called the Fogg Behavior Model, states that a behavior happens only when motivation, ability, and a prompt ③occur together. When motivation is low, the model suggests, the task must ④be made extremely easy, or it will not happen at all. For instance, a person who wants to exercise daily succeeds more often by committing to one push-up than to a long workout. Fogg calls this idea the law of least effort, since people naturally choose the option ⑤requiring the least energy.

As companies collect enormous amounts of personal data to improve their products and target advertisements, serious ethical questions ①have emerged about how that information should be handled. Employees who work with big data now face responsibilities ②that previous generations rarely encountered, since a single careless decision can expose millions of people's private information. Some argue that strict regulations should govern data collection, even if such rules ③slow innovation and increase costs for businesses. Others insist that self-regulation within companies, guided by clear ethical training, can ④protects consumers just as effectively without stifling progress. Universities have begun adding data ethics courses to computer science programs, ⑤recognizing that future employees will need to balance innovation with responsibility.

Building brand loyalty has traditionally been considered one of the most valuable goals in marketing, since loyal customers ①tend to spend more and recommend products to others. Companies invest significant resources in loyalty programs, ②offering points, discounts, and exclusive access to encourage repeat purchases. Genuine loyalty, critics contend, should be earned through consistent quality and honest treatment of customers, not through artificial incentives that merely ③delays a customer's departure. Furthermore, excessive focus on retaining existing customers can cause companies ④to neglect innovation, since they assume loyal buyers will continue purchasing regardless of improvements. Relying solely on loyalty programs without addressing underlying product quality may ultimately ⑤backfire.

Behavioral economists have long observed that people tend to feel the pain of losing something more ①intensely than the pleasure of gaining an equivalent amount, a tendency known as loss aversion. Consider an investor who refuses to sell a declining stock, clinging to the hope that its price will eventually ②recover, even when all available evidence indicates that selling and reinvesting elsewhere would be more rational. Such behavior, though it appears ③rational from a purely economic standpoint, becomes understandable once we recognize that the investor is trying to avoid the sharp discomfort associated with realizing a loss. Similarly, consumers often demand a much ④higher price to give up an item they already own than they would be willing to pay to acquire the same item in the first place. As a result, loss aversion frequently pushes individuals toward decisions that ⑤minimize potential regret over losses rather than toward outcomes that maximize their overall welfare.

As nudging has moved from academic theory into ①declining practice, a persistent ethical question has accompanied its rise: at what point does subtly guiding behavior for someone's own benefit shade into manipulation that undermines their capacity for autonomous choice? Proponents typically distinguish nudges from manipulation by pointing to transparency and reversibility, arguing that a legitimate nudge operates openly, can be easily ②resisted by anyone who wishes to opt out, and ultimately serves the interests of the person being nudged rather than the interests of whoever designed the intervention. Critics counter that this distinction often ③collapses in practice, since many effective nudges work precisely because they exploit cognitive processes operating below conscious awareness. A supermarket that arranges healthier foods at eye level, for instance, differs only in the direction of its influence, not in its underlying mechanism, from a supermarket that arranges the most profitable items at eye level, raising the uncomfortable possibility that any choice architecture inevitably shapes behavior regardless of whose interests it ultimately ④serves. This tension suggests that the ethical status of a nudge cannot be evaluated by examining its psychological mechanism alone; instead, it must be judged according to the ⑤intentions of the party who designs it.

Some critics ①dismiss this approach as impractical, arguing that most people cannot afford to prioritize ethics over affordability in daily life. However, supporters point out that value-based spending does not require constant ②sacrifice; it often means buying fewer, higher-quality items rather than accumulating cheap goods that wear out quickly. This shift also encourages companies to improve their practices, since consumer demand increasingly rewards ③transparency and responsibility. For example, a clothing brand that openly shares its supply chain information may attract ④disloyal customers willing to pay slightly more. Ultimately, value-based consumption suggests that spending money is not merely an economic act but also a ⑤reflection of personal values.

Online advertising algorithms analyze enormous amounts of user data to determine which products a person is most likely to purchase. As a result, the ads that appear on a person's screen often feel remarkably specific, sometimes referencing items browsed only minutes earlier. Supporters argue that this level of precision benefits consumers by reducing exposure to irrelevant advertisements and highlighting products they genuinely need. Critics, however, worry that constant exposure to tailored ads can encourage unnecessary spending, since algorithms are specifically designed to identify and exploit individual weaknesses. Because these algorithms operate largely without public oversight, few consumers fully understand how their personal data shapes what they eventually buy. Greater transparency, many experts argue, would ___________.

Last summer, I worked part-time at a small coffee shop near my house. I learned how to stay calm during busy hours and communicate clearly with customers. One day, a customer complained loudly about a mistake in her order. Instead of arguing, I apologized and quickly made a new drink for her. She left with a smile, and my manager praised my patience afterward. Through small moments like this, I began to understand ___________. The part-time job did not pay much, but the lessons it gave me were worth far more than the money.

Journalists now face the burden of verifying footage that once would have been accepted as self-evident proof. A few years ago, spotting a manipulated video required a trained eye and specialized software. ( ① ) Today, freely available applications allow almost anyone to swap a face or fabricate a voice convincingly enough to fool casual viewers within minutes. ( ② ) This shift has quietly undermined one of the oldest assumptions in human communication: that seeing and hearing something is a reasonably reliable way to confirm it happened. ( ③ ) Perhaps more troubling than any single fake video is the broader effect on public trust, sometimes called the liar's dividend, in which genuine footage can be dismissed as fabricated simply because deepfakes exist. ( ④ ) In this environment, the mere possibility of manipulation can be almost as damaging as manipulation itself. ( ⑤ )