영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Anyone who has ever promised to finish a project "by Friday," only ①to still being working on it weeks later, has experienced the planning fallacy firsthand. This term describes the persistent tendency of individuals and organizations ②to underestimate how long a task will take, how much it will cost, and how many complications will inevitably arise. What makes this bias particularly stubborn is that awareness of past failures rarely leads to more accurate predictions; a construction firm that ③finished its last three projects late will often insist, with genuine confidence, that this next project will be different. Researchers argue that planners focus almost exclusively on the specific steps of the current task while ④ignoring the broader statistical record of similar projects that came before. Until such external correction becomes standard practice, ambitious deadlines will likely continue to be ⑤broken with remarkable consistency.

Psychologists studying human judgment often describe the mind as ①operating through two distinct systems rather than a single unified process. System 1 works quickly and automatically, ②generating impressions and snap judgments without any noticeable sense of effort, much as a driver instinctively brakes when a ball suddenly rolls into the street. System 2, by contrast, is slow, deliberate, and demanding, engaged only when a problem ③require careful calculation or conscious reasoning. Most daily decisions are handled almost entirely by System 1, which allows people ④to function efficiently without exhausting their limited mental resources. This efficiency comes at a cost, however, because System 1 relies on simple shortcuts that can produce systematic errors, and System 2 is frequently too lazy or too occupied to double-check them. As a result, a judgment often feels most confident precisely at the moment when it has skipped the careful scrutiny that could have caught its own mistake, leaving the thinker unaware of how easily the impression was ⑤formed.

Insomnia is rarely caused by a single factor; it usually emerges from an interaction between psychological stress and physiological arousal that ①keeps the body from settling into sleep. A common trigger is what researchers call cognitive hyperarousal, in which the mind continues ②to racing with worries about work, relationships, or even the inability to sleep itself, creating a frustrating cycle where anxiety about insomnia becomes a cause of insomnia. At the same time, the body's stress response system can become chronically activated, ③releasing hormones such as cortisol that keep heart rate and body temperature elevated at night, both of which interfere with the natural drop in arousal needed to fall asleep. Poor sleep habits, including irregular bedtimes and excessive screen use before bed, can further ④weaken the body's internal signals for sleep onset. Because these psychological and physiological factors reinforce one another, effective treatment for chronic insomnia addresses both the racing mind and the underlying pattern of physical tension, rather than ⑤relying on medication alone.

Economists have long debated whether prosperity and environmental quality are fundamentally opposed, or whether the relationship between them changes shape as an economy matures. The Environmental Kuznets Curve, a hypothesis borrowed from earlier theories of income inequality, proposes that _______________. In its early stages, industrializing nations prioritize output over conservation, treating clean air and water as expendable costs of development to be addressed later. Beyond a certain point, however, rising incomes generate both the technological capacity and the political will to demand stricter regulation, so degradation begins to reverse even as production keeps expanding. Some scholars regard this trajectory as a reassuring paradox, suggesting that the very growth blamed for ecological harm may eventually finance its own repair. Critics, by contrast, argue that the curve rests on a narrow selection of pollutants that happen to decline with wealth, while ignoring greenhouse gases and resource depletion, which show no comparable tendency to fall.

As solar and wind power expand rapidly across national grids, engineers face a challenge that receives far less public attention than the construction of the generating facilities themselves. Unlike conventional power plants, which can adjust their output to match demand at almost any moment, solar panels and wind turbines generate electricity only when sunlight or wind is available, producing supply that fluctuates constantly. This intermittency means that grid operators must balance supply and demand even when renewable output suddenly drops, such as when clouds cover a solar farm or wind speeds fall. One proposed solution involves large-scale battery storage systems, which absorb surplus electricity generated during periods of high output and release it later when generation declines. Another approach relies on expanding transmission networks across wider regions, so that electricity generated in a sunny area can be redirected to places experiencing a shortfall. Grid operators _______________. Without such investment, integrating renewable energy could paradoxically undermine the very reliability that modern electricity grids are expected to provide.

Modern sports wearables continuously collect data that would once have required a laboratory to measure, allowing coaches to detect early warning signs of overtraining, sometimes noticing a decline in performance before the athlete consciously feels tired. However, the flood of data has created a new challenge: _______________. Some researchers worry that casual users may misinterpret a single unusual reading as a serious problem, leading to needless anxiety rather than useful insight.

Consider a large heap containing ten thousand grains of sand. (A) Something has clearly gone wrong along the way, since no reasonable person would call one grain of sand a heap, but pinpointing exactly which single removal transformed a heap into a non-heap seems impossible. (B) Nearly everyone agrees that removing a single grain from such a heap leaves another heap behind, since surely one grain could never make the difference between a heap and a non-heap. (C) Yet if this principle is applied repeatedly, grain by grain, the heap eventually shrinks to a single lonely grain, or even to no grains at all, and logic alone seems to force us to accept that this final result still counts as a heap.

In the late nineteenth century, the psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus undertook a rigorous investigation of forgetting by serving as his own experimental subject. He memorized thousands of meaningless three-letter syllables so that prior knowledge could not skew his results. (A) Ebbinghaus further found that distributing study sessions across several days produced better retention than cramming the same repetition into one sitting. This finding, now central to modern learning theory, implies that revisiting material shortly before it would otherwise be forgotten interrupts the decline of the forgetting curve. (B) After learning each list to perfection, he tested his retention at intervals ranging from twenty minutes to a month later. He recorded how many repetitions were required to relearn the material each time. (C) The resulting curve revealed a consistent pattern. Forgetting proceeds rapidly during the initial hours following learning, then gradually decelerates until the rate of loss becomes almost imperceptible. Roughly half of the acquired information vanished within the first hour alone. Yet whatever survived that initial plunge tended to persist for much longer periods.

This sudden and violent stop is precisely what causes so many of the most severe injuries in a crash. Seatbelts are so woven into the experience of riding in a car that many passengers buckle them without thinking, yet a surprising number of teenagers still skip them for short trips, assuming that a five-minute drive to a friend's house does not carry much risk. ( ① ) Traffic safety data tell a different story: most fatal crashes occur within a few kilometers of home, on roads drivers know so well that they let their guard down. ( ② ) In a collision, a body traveling at a moderate speed continues moving forward at that same speed until something stops it, and without a seatbelt, that something is often the windshield or the dashboard rather than a slower deceleration. ( ③ ) A seatbelt spreads the force of a sudden stop across the stronger parts of the body, such as the hips and chest, instead of concentrating it on the head and neck. ( ④ ) Despite decades of public awareness campaigns, seatbelt use for backseat passengers remains lower than for those sitting in the front. ( ⑤ )

This is precisely the kind of disruption that white noise is designed to prevent. Many people struggling to fall asleep in noisy environments turn to white noise machines, devices that emit a steady, uniform sound covering a broad range of frequencies. ( ① ) The appeal lies in a phenomenon called auditory masking, in which a constant background sound makes sudden noises, such as a slamming door, less noticeable to the sleeping brain. ( ② ) Without this masking effect, an abrupt change in sound is far more likely to trigger a brief awakening, even if the sleeper does not consciously remember it the next morning. ( ③ ) Studies comparing sleep in quiet rooms with sleep alongside white noise have found that participants using white noise experienced fewer of these brief awakenings and reported feeling more rested. ( ④ ) However, researchers caution that the benefit depends heavily on volume and consistency, since noise that is too loud or that varies unpredictably can itself become a source of disruption rather than a remedy. ( ⑤ ) Such backfiring effects remind us that more sound is not always better for a restless sleeper.