영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Many readers assume that once they finish a book, there is no reason to open it again. Yet teachers who study reading often ①disagree, arguing that a second reading can reveal details a first reading ②misses completely. During a first reading, most of a student's attention goes toward simply following the plot, ③wondering what will happen next. Once the ending is already known, a second reading frees the mind ④notice smaller things, such as a clever hint the author placed early in the story or a change in a character's tone. Teachers therefore encourage students not to rush toward new titles alone, but to occasionally return to a book they already ⑤loved, since a second visit often teaches more than the first.

Working memory refers to the mental workspace in which information ①is temporarily held and manipulated while a person performs a cognitive task. Such tasks include solving an arithmetic problem, following a rapid conversation, or holding a phone number in mind before dialing it. In the mid-twentieth century, the psychologist George Miller proposed that this workspace could accommodate roughly seven discrete items. His claim proved so influential that it ②become widely known as the magic number seven. Subsequent research, however, revealed that Miller's estimate was somewhat generous, since it failed to account for the complexity of the material ③being remembered. Nelson Cowan later argued that when rehearsal strategies ④are prevented and attention is tightly controlled, genuine capacity hovers closer to four items rather than seven. This discrepancy suggests that what earlier studies had measured was not raw storage capacity itself but a hybrid quantity ⑤inflated by clever strategies. Contemporary psychologists therefore distinguish between the fixed limit of working memory and the flexible techniques that allow individuals to transcend that limit.

Memory researchers have long recognized that learning is not simply a matter of accumulating ① information without cost. Newly acquired material can collide with what the mind already holds, produce ② measurable disruptions in recall. When earlier knowledge interferes ③ with the retrieval of information learned afterward, psychologists call this proactive interference. This phenomenon explains why someone who memorized an old phone number for years may struggle to recall a new one. Conversely, when material learned later undermines the recollection of something acquired earlier, the process is labeled ④ retroactive interference. This second mechanism explains why switching to a new keyboard layout can temporarily impair typing on a familiar one. Both processes suggest that memories compete for the same limited retrieval pathways rather than resting in isolated compartments. This insight carries real implications for how students approach studying multiple similar subjects. Instead of cramming closely related material back to back, spacing out review sessions can reduce ⑤ competition between overlapping traces. Varying study contexts further helps preserve accuracy for both old and new information alike.

Imagine standing at a crowded party where dozens of conversations ①blend into a wall of noise, yet you effortlessly track the words of the friend beside you. Curiously, if someone across the room utters your name, your attention snaps toward that voice almost instantly. This happens even though you ②had not consciously been listening to that conversation at all. This phenomenon, known as the cocktail party effect, reveals that selective attention ③does not simply block out every unattended sound. Early theorists such as Donald Broadbent proposed that unattended information is filtered out entirely before reaching awareness. Yet the fact that a person's own name can break through this filter ④contradict such a rigid model. Anne Treisman later refined this account, suggesting that unattended channels are merely attenuated rather than eliminated altogether. Especially meaningful stimuli, including one's own name, can still surpass the threshold of conscious recognition. This refinement suggests that attention operates less like a gate and more like a dimmer switch, ⑤adjusting the salience of competing streams of information.

Financial markets occasionally experience episodes in which asset prices rise far beyond any level that careful analysis of underlying fundamentals could justify, a phenomenon commonly attributed to herd psychology. During such episodes, individual investors, observing that prices have already risen substantially, often conclude that continuing to buy is ①reasonable simply because so many others are doing the same, rather than because any independent evaluation supports the purchase. This dynamic can become self-perpetuating: rising prices attract new buyers, whose purchases push prices higher still, thereby attracting yet another wave of buyers convinced that the upward trend itself constitutes ②reliable evidence of underlying value. Historical episodes of speculative excess display a strikingly similar pattern, suggesting that the underlying psychological mechanism remains ③variable even as the specific assets involved change considerably across centuries. Eventually, however, some triggering event, however minor, prompts a portion of investors to ④reconsider their assumptions, and the resulting wave of selling can trigger a collapse every bit as rapid and self-reinforcing as the original ⑤ascent.

Communication scholar Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann proposed the spiral of silence theory to explain why certain opinions ①dominate public discussion while others fade into invisibility. According to this theory, individuals constantly observe their surrounding environment to judge which opinions are widely accepted and which are not. When people sense that their own view belongs to a minority, they often choose to stay ②vocal rather than risk social isolation or criticism. This silence, however, creates a distorted impression that the minority opinion is even ③rarer than it actually is, discouraging additional supporters from speaking up. Over time, this cycle spirals downward, allowing the dominant opinion to appear increasingly ④unanimous while dissenting voices disappear from visible conversation. Social media platforms can intensify this spiral, since visibility metrics make popular opinions instantly ⑤noticeable while unpopular ones remain hidden.

When people encounter an individual who appears to memorize enormous quantities of specialized information ①effortlessly, they often assume that person possesses an innate gift. Cognitive psychologists, however, contend that such feats ②rarely stem from raw talent alone. Instead, such feats arise from a learned skill known as chunking, whereby scattered pieces of information are consolidated into larger, meaningful units. A landmark study of chess players demonstrated this principle. When shown a board arranged according to plausible game positions, grandmasters reproduced the layout perfectly. Yet when the same pieces were scattered randomly, their performance ③collapsed to the level of novices. This pattern reveals that expert memory is not larger in raw capacity but is instead organized around patterns accumulated through years of deliberate practice. If chunking, rather than innate aptitude, ④contradicts expert performance, then educators should stop treating talent as fixed and destiny-bound. Curricula ought to be redesigned to cultivate pattern recognition explicitly, since doing so would grant far more students access to expertise once ⑤presumed reserved for the naturally gifted.

When individuals face uncertainty about how to behave, they frequently look to the actions of others for guidance, assuming that a behavior adopted by many people is more likely to be correct or appropriate than one adopted by few, a tendency known as social proof. Because conformity can substitute for independent judgment so seamlessly, individuals rarely notice when their own decisions have become ___________ rather than genuinely deliberated.

Whether such small warnings can meaningfully counter the daily flood of filtered images, however, remains an open question that researchers are only beginning to study. Opening most camera apps today reveals a row of filters that can smooth skin, brighten eyes, and reshape a jawline before a photo is even taken, all powered by AI models trained to recognize facial features in real time. ( ① ) What began as a playful novelty has become a default setting for many users, subtly adjusting nearly every selfie posted online. ( ② ) Psychologists have grown concerned about a specific consequence of this shift: people increasingly compare their unfiltered reflection in a mirror to a filtered version of themselves seen constantly on a screen. ( ③ ) This is a comparison that earlier generations never had to face. ( ④ ) Some social media platforms have responded by labeling heavily edited photos or banning certain filters that alter body shape. ( ⑤ )

주어진 문장: Such assessments are grounded in the principle that potential harm should be identified before a project begins, rather than addressed only after damage has already occurred. Before a large-scale construction project such as a highway or dam receives government approval, planners in many countries are required to conduct an environmental impact assessment, a formal process designed to predict and evaluate the ecological consequences of a proposed development. ① This process begins with a baseline survey, in which specialists document existing conditions, including wildlife, water quality, and air composition, so that future changes can be measured against a reference point. ② Analysts then model how the project might alter these conditions, drawing on data from comparable developments. ③ For instance, a proposed highway that would bisect a forest might be evaluated for its potential to fragment habitats, disrupting migration routes on which certain species depend. ④ If the assessment identifies unacceptable risks, planners may be required to redesign the project or adopt mitigation measures such as wildlife corridors. ⑤ Critics contend, however, that assessments are sometimes treated as a bureaucratic formality rather than a genuine constraint, since developers who commission the studies retain strong influence over how the findings are interpreted. ① ② ③ ④ ⑤