영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Earthquakes strike without any warning, which is exactly why the seconds immediately after the shaking begins ①matters more than any other moment in an emergency. Safety experts consistently teach the same three steps: drop to the ground, take cover under sturdy furniture, and hold on until the shaking ②stops. Many people instinctively want to run outside during a quake, ③imagining that open space is always safer than a building. Furniture that seems merely inconvenient during a fire drill, such as a heavy desk, becomes a lifesaving shield when the ceiling above begins ④to crack. After the shaking stops, experts warn that the greatest remaining danger is often a damaged structure rather than a second earthquake, so calmly checking for hazards before moving is just as important as ⑤reacting quickly at the first tremor.

Science labs feel far safer than they actually are, largely because the equipment looks harmless and the experiments are carefully ①planned by a teacher. This false sense of security leads some students ②to skip small precautions, such as wearing safety goggles for a "simple" experiment or tasting a substance out of curiosity. Chemical reactions, however, do not distinguish between a professional laboratory and a classroom; a small amount of the wrong substance ③splashed into an eye can cause permanent damage within seconds, regardless of how basic the experiment seemed. Teachers repeatedly emphasize ④to read each instruction before touching any material, since even a familiar-looking chemical can behave unpredictably when combined with something new. Most laboratory accidents, researchers note, do not happen during advanced or unusual experiments but during routine ones that students ⑤have performed many times before.

When individuals face uncertainty about how to behave, they frequently look to the actions of others for guidance. This reliance on collective behavior can be remarkably ①efficient, since it allows individuals to benefit from the accumulated judgment of a crowd without having to gather and evaluate every relevant fact themselves. However, social proof can also lead entire groups astray when the initial signal that triggers imitation is itself ②unreliable or coincidental. A restaurant that happens to attract a long line early in the evening may continue attracting customers throughout the night simply because passersby interpret the queue as evidence of ③inferior quality. Financial markets exhibit an analogous pattern: investors who observe others buying a particular asset often join the buying themselves, reasoning that so many participants cannot all be mistaken, a dynamic that can ④inflate prices well beyond any reasonable estimate of underlying value. Because conformity can substitute for independent judgment so ⑤seamlessly, individuals rarely notice when their own decisions have become mere imitations rather than genuinely deliberated.

Metacognition, broadly defined as the capacity to monitor and evaluate one's own cognitive processes, is often treated as a ①reliable guide to what we actually know, yet a growing body of evidence suggests that the correspondence between subjective confidence and objective accuracy is far weaker than intuition would suggest. Individuals routinely ②overestimate how thoroughly they have understood a passage of text immediately after reading it, a phenomenon partly attributable to the fluency with which the material was processed rather than to any genuine grasp of its underlying structure. Because rereading familiar material tends to feel ③effortless, learners frequently mistake that ease of processing for durable comprehension, a misattribution that can lead them to ④continue further study prematurely. This gap between perceived and actual mastery, sometimes labeled the illusion of knowing, has practical consequences for education, since students who trust their ⑤inflated self-assessments are less likely to seek out the more effortful, retrieval-based strategies that would otherwise consolidate their learning.

Modern sports wearables, from wrist-worn fitness trackers to smart insoles embedded in running shoes, continuously collect data that would once have required a laboratory to measure. Heart rate, sleep quality, running cadence, and even subtle changes in gait can now be ①monitored during ordinary daily activity rather than only in a controlled clinical setting. Coaches use this constant stream of information to detect early warning signs of overtraining, sometimes noticing a decline in performance ②after the athlete consciously feels tired. However, the flood of data has created a new challenge: distinguishing a meaningful pattern from ordinary daily fluctuation requires expertise that many amateur athletes simply ③do not have. Some researchers worry that casual users may misinterpret a single unusual reading as a serious problem, leading to ④needless anxiety rather than useful insight. For this reason, most experts recommend treating wearable data as a general trend to observe over time, not as a precise ⑤diagnostic tool.

Scientists have identified certain gene variants that appear ①less frequently among elite endurance athletes than among the general population, along with a separate set that seems to favor explosive, power-based sports such as sprinting. One frequently studied variant, for instance, influences the proportion of slow-twitch versus fast-twitch muscle fibers a person naturally develops, a ratio that ②shapes whether a body leans toward endurance or explosive power. However, researchers caution strongly against interpreting these findings as evidence that athletic greatness is simply ③inherited. Even athletes who carry every favorable variant identified so far still require years of ④disciplined training to translate that genetic potential into actual performance. Genetics may set a rough ceiling on an individual's ultimate potential, but where any particular athlete lands within that range depends overwhelmingly on training quality, nutrition, coaching, and sheer ⑤determination.

Every July, our school library launches a summer reading challenge that invites students to read at least five books before classes begin again in September. (A) Without daily homework and tests to worry about, summer gives students rare freedom to choose books purely because they sound interesting, not because a teacher assigned them. Librarians notice that students often pick more unusual genres during the challenge, including graphic novels, poetry, and nonfiction about hobbies they enjoy. (B) Students who complete the challenge receive a small prize, but many say the real reward is something else entirely. (C) This freedom seems to matter more than the prize itself, since students who only cared about winning tend to quit once the reading feels difficult, while curious readers keep going. Teachers who track student progress after summer report that challenge participants often return in September with noticeably stronger reading habits than classmates who read nothing over the break.

Anyone who has ever promised to finish a project "by Friday," only to still be working on it weeks later, has experienced the planning fallacy firsthand. (A) One proposed remedy, known as reference class forecasting, requires planners to deliberately consult outcomes from comparable past projects rather than relying solely on their own optimistic intuition. Until such external correction becomes standard practice, ambitious deadlines will likely continue to be broken with remarkable consistency. (B) This term describes the persistent tendency of individuals and organizations to underestimate how long a task will take, how much it will cost, and how many complications will inevitably arise. (C) What makes this bias particularly stubborn is that awareness of past failures rarely leads to more accurate predictions; a construction firm that finished its last three projects late will often insist, with genuine confidence, that this next project will be different. Researchers argue that planners focus almost exclusively on the specific steps of the current task while ignoring the broader statistical record of similar projects that came before.

주어진 문장: Two competing technologies have historically vied for dominance in this field: thermal distillation, which relies on evaporation, and membrane-based filtration, which separates salt without boiling the water. Desalination, the process of removing dissolved salts from seawater to produce fresh water, has increasingly been adopted by coastal regions facing chronic water scarcity. ① Most modern facilities rely on reverse osmosis, a technique in which seawater is forced through membranes whose microscopic pores block salt while letting water molecules pass. ② Because this method consumes far less energy than the thermal distillation once dominant in the industry, it has become the preferred choice for large-scale plants. ③ Nevertheless, desalination remains an inherently costly and environmentally burdensome solution, a fact often overlooked amid enthusiasm for ending water shortages. ④ For instance, the process generates a concentrated byproduct called brine, which, when discharged without adequate dilution, can raise local salinity to levels that harm marine life. ⑤ Pumping seawater through membranes at high pressure also demands substantial electricity, so plants powered by fossil fuels can worsen the emissions that intensify drought. Therefore, engineers increasingly argue that desalination should be treated not as a stand-alone remedy but as one component of a broader conservation strategy. ① ② ③ ④ ⑤

주어진 문장: This is not because they expect the price to recover, but because selling would force them to confront the possibility of having made a clear mistake. When people face a difficult decision, they often weigh not only the expected outcome of each option but also how painful it would feel to discover later that a different choice had been better. ( ① ) This anticipation of future regret, rather than the size of the potential loss itself, frequently becomes the dominant factor shaping the final decision. ( ② ) Investors, for example, sometimes continue holding a declining stock rather than selling it. ( ③ ) Researchers have found that people feel sharper regret over losses that resulted from taking action than over identical losses that resulted from doing nothing, which helps explain why so many individuals default to inaction whenever a decision feels uncertain. ( ④ ) Ironically, this strategy of avoiding regret can itself produce outcomes that are later regretted even more deeply than the ones it was originally designed to prevent. ( ⑤ )