영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

When engineers design the software ①that controls a self-driving car, they inevitably face a question that philosophers have debated for decades. If a crash becomes unavoidable, should the vehicle protect its own passenger at all costs, or should it be programmed ②minimizing total harm, even if that means steering toward the person inside? Surveys reveal an uncomfortable contradiction: most people say a car should be programmed to save the greater number of lives, yet the same people admit ③they would never buy a vehicle designed to sacrifice its own owner. This gap between the ideal and the personal choice suggests that ethical programming cannot ④be settled by public opinion alone. Manufacturers, regulators, and philosophers must instead agree on transparent rules before autonomous vehicles ⑤are allowed to make such decisions on the road.

In the late nineteenth century, the psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus undertook a rigorous investigation of forgetting ①by serve as his own experimental subject. He memorized thousands of meaningless three-letter syllables ②so that prior knowledge could not skew his results. After learning each list to perfection, he tested his retention at intervals ③ranging from twenty minutes to a month later. He recorded how many repetitions were required to relearn the material each time. The resulting curve revealed a consistent pattern. Forgetting proceeds rapidly during the initial hours following learning, then gradually ④decelerates until the rate of loss becomes almost imperceptible. Roughly half of the acquired information vanished within the first hour alone. Yet whatever survived that initial plunge tended to persist for much longer periods. Ebbinghaus further found that ⑤distributing study sessions across several days produced better retention than cramming the same repetition into one sitting.

Psychologists who study daily behavior describe habits through a model ①called the cue-routine-reward loop. This theory explains that every habit begins with a cue, a signal that ②tell the brain to start an automatic behavior. The brain then performs a routine, ③which is the action itself, whether physical or mental. Finally, the brain receives a reward, a positive feeling that makes it want ④to repeat the same behavior. For example, a notification sound can act as a cue that leads a student to check a phone, and the relief from boredom becomes the reward. Similarly, opening a refrigerator out of habit rather than hunger shows how a routine can run without conscious thought. Because this loop operates automatically, breaking a bad habit requires changing the routine while keeping the same cue and reward. Understanding this structure helps people redesign daily patterns more effectively than ⑤relying on willpower alone.

Imagine rewriting a bacterium's code the way a programmer edits a line of software, and much of what synthetic biology ①promises begins to make sense. Researchers in this field assemble standardized genetic parts into circuits that can be inserted into a cell, instructing it to perform a task that no natural organism would ②carry out. Because these circuits are built from interchangeable parts rather than designed from scratch each time, a circuit tested in one lab can often be reused, with ③minor adjustments, in an entirely different application. Critics note that biological systems ④always behave as predictably as electronic circuits, since a gene inserted into a new cell can interact with existing pathways in unexpected ways, occasionally producing results no engineer intended. Even so, as the catalog of standardized parts keeps expanding, engineers are gaining ⑤confidence to design increasingly complex systems.

As buildings account for a substantial share of global energy consumption, architects have increasingly turned to a design philosophy known as the passive house standard, which ①minimizes energy demand through the building's own structure rather than through mechanical systems. Central to this approach is airtight construction, in which continuous insulation and sealed joints prevent conditioned air from leaking outward, thereby ②reducing the heating and cooling loads conventional buildings require. Triple-glazed windows, oriented to capture sunlight in winter while shading interiors in summer, further ③destabilize indoor temperatures without relying heavily on furnaces or air conditioners. Ventilation systems equipped with heat exchangers also recover warmth from outgoing air, transferring it to incoming air so that comfort is maintained without ④excessive energy use. For example, some passive houses built in cold climates have reduced heating costs by more than ninety percent. Consequently, many architects regard passive house design not as a luxury for wealthy homeowners but as a practical model ⑤capable of reshaping mainstream construction.

Placing small, inexpensive items near checkout counters ①tempts shoppers who are already waiting in line with little else to do. Online stores achieve a similar effect through countdown timers that create a ②true sense of urgency, suggesting that a deal will vanish within minutes. Bright colors, cheerful music, and pleasant scents are also carefully chosen to put customers in a ③relaxed mood, making them ④less likely to think critically about their spending. Shoppers who understand these strategies are better equipped to ⑤resist them.

Turning off lights when you leave a room seems like a ①huge action, but it saves more energy than most people expect. Both actions seem ②harmless in the moment, but they add up to a ③serious waste over time. However, when an entire school forms this habit together, the total amount of saved energy becomes ④significant. Therefore, this small daily habit can create a surprisingly ⑤large positive effect for the whole planet.

Students are frequently told that where they study makes little difference, provided that they put in enough hours. Cognitive research on memory retrieval, however, suggests that this advice ①clarifies an important process. According to the encoding specificity principle, information becomes intertwined with the context in which it was originally learned. Cues present during encoding therefore ②facilitate retrieval far more effectively than cues encountered elsewhere. A striking demonstration involved divers who memorized word lists either underwater or on dry land. When tested later, divers recalled substantially more words if the testing environment ③matched the original learning environment. This held true regardless of which environment that happened to be. This finding implies that reviewing material exclusively in a quiet bedroom may not ④adequately prepare a student for the noisy atmosphere of an actual examination hall. Rather than assuming that memorization is a context-free process, students ought to consider ⑤deliberately varying study locations and conditions.

During exam season last year, our school counselor introduced a weekly drop-in session where students could paint freely for thirty minutes without any instructions or grading. I attended mostly out of curiosity, expecting a relaxing but ultimately pointless activity, since I have never considered myself artistically talented. To my surprise, filling a blank page with color, without worrying whether the result looked good, left me noticeably calmer than scrolling through my phone during the same amount of free time. The counselor explained that _______________. Several classmates who initially came only to avoid studying kept returning on their own afterward. None of us left with a masterpiece, but many of us left the room feeling noticeably lighter than when we had walked in.

Imagine two travelers preparing for the same trip: one refuses to fly after watching news coverage of a recent plane crash, while the other books a flight without hesitation. (A) This tendency, in which people estimate how likely an event is based on how easily examples come to mind rather than on actual data, quietly shapes countless everyday decisions. (B) Statistically, air travel remains far safer than driving the same distance by car, yet vivid, emotionally charged images tend to dominate human judgment more powerfully than dry statistics ever could. (C) News broadcasts that repeatedly feature rare disasters can leave viewers convinced that such events are common, even though official records clearly show the opposite. Advertisers and politicians alike exploit this pattern, knowing that a single striking anecdote often persuades audiences more effectively than pages of careful statistics ever manage to. Recognizing why memorable examples overshadow objective probability therefore matters, both for making sound personal choices and for noticing when public fear has drifted far from measurable reality.