영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Among the many strategies proposed to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, one of the oldest ①draw on an agricultural technique predating modern industry, converting organic material into a stable form of charcoal known as biochar. Biochar is ②produced through pyrolysis, a process in which crop residues or wood chips are heated in an environment with little or no oxygen, ③preventing the material from burning away as in an open fire. This process leaves behind a carbon-rich solid that resists decomposition far longer than raw organic matter, locking carbon in a form remaining stable in soil for centuries. When mixed into farmland, biochar also improves soil structure, ④retaining moisture and nutrients otherwise lost, which can boost crop yields in depleted soils. For example, farmers ⑤cultivating nutrient-poor tropical soils have reported measurable increases in productivity after adding biochar.

Classical economic theory long assumed that decision makers ①gather all relevant information, calculate every possible outcome, and select the single option that maximizes their benefit. Herbert Simon, however, questioned this assumption, ②arguing that human beings operate under real constraints of time, knowledge, and mental capacity that make such exhaustive calculation practically impossible. Instead of searching endlessly for the theoretically perfect choice, people typically stop once they find an option that seems good enough to meet their immediate needs, a strategy Simon ③termed satisficing. A shopper comparing refrigerators, for example, rarely examines every model available; she instead sets a few practical criteria, such as price and size, and selects the first appliance that satisfies them adequately. This approach is not a failure of reasoning but rather a sensible adaptation to a world where information is costly and time is genuinely limited. Consequently, models assuming unlimited rationality often fail to predict actual behavior, while frameworks ④acknowledge these cognitive boundaries offer a far more realistic account of how ordinary decisions are ⑤made.

Why do people often overvalue objects they have partly ①built themselves, even when the finished product is objectively inferior to something they could have simply purchased? This puzzle, which researchers ②named after a furniture retailer famous for selling items that require home assembly, challenges the standard economic assumption that value is determined solely by an object's inherent qualities. In a series of experiments, participants who ③assembled a plain storage box were willing to pay nearly as much for their own imperfect creation as they were for a professionally built version, despite being fully aware of its flaws. Labor, it seems, functions as a kind of psychological investment: once effort has been ④pour into a task, individuals become reluctant to judge the outcome objectively, because doing so would require admitting that their effort was partly ⑤wasted.

A few years ago, spotting a manipulated video required a trained eye and ①specialized software. Today, freely available applications allow almost anyone to swap a face or fabricate a voice ②convincingly enough to fool casual viewers within minutes. This shift has quietly ③reinforced one of the oldest assumptions in human communication: that seeing and hearing something is a reasonably reliable way to confirm it happened. Journalists now face the burden of verifying footage that once would have been accepted as ④self-evident proof. Perhaps more troubling than any single fake video is the broader effect on public trust, in which genuine footage can be ⑤dismissed as fabricated simply because deepfakes exist.

Consider a student who ①genuinely intends to study for tomorrow's exam yet, when the evening actually arrives, chooses to watch another episode of a favorite show instead, promising herself she will surely study harder next week. This pattern, in which the pull of an immediate pleasure ②overwhelms the value of a distant benefit, appears again and again across ordinary life, from postponed exercise to delayed savings. People do not necessarily fail to understand that the future reward matters more; rather, whatever happens right now simply feels disproportionately more urgent and vivid than anything scheduled for later. Behavioral economists note that this preference ③weakens considerably once both options are pushed into the future, which is why planning a diet starting next month feels ④impossible compared with skipping dessert tonight. Such inconsistency helps explain why gym memberships go unused and retirement accounts remain ⑤underfunded, despite people's stated intentions.

Walking down a crowded street while staring at a phone screen has become such a common sight that it barely draws attention anymore, even though the habit turns a pedestrian into one of the ①most alert people on the sidewalk. Researchers who study attention describe this as a kind of tunnel vision: a person absorbed in a text message or a video processes only a ②narrow slice of the surrounding environment, filtering out approaching cars, uneven pavement, and other pedestrians almost entirely. What makes this danger especially difficult to address is that pedestrians ③rarely recognize the risk in the moment; unlike distracted driving, which is widely ④condemned, glancing at a phone while crossing the street still feels like a ⑤harmless habit to most people who do it every day.

Riding a bicycle is one of the most popular ways for teenagers to get around, yet many students still skip the one piece of equipment that could save their life: the helmet. Some argue that a short trip to a nearby store does not require any special protection, since the risk of a serious accident feels distant and unlikely. However, _______________. A sudden pothole, a car door opening without warning, or a patch of gravel can throw even an experienced cyclist off balance in an instant. Wearing a helmet does not prevent a fall, but it dramatically reduces the chance of a serious head injury when one occurs.

Before a large-scale construction project such as a highway or dam receives government approval, planners in many countries are required to conduct an environmental impact assessment, a formal process designed to predict and evaluate the ecological consequences of a proposed development. (A) For instance, a proposed highway that would bisect a forest might be evaluated for its potential to fragment habitats, disrupting migration routes on which certain species depend. If the assessment identifies unacceptable risks, planners may be required to redesign the project or adopt mitigation measures such as wildlife corridors. (B) Critics contend, however, that assessments are sometimes treated as a bureaucratic formality rather than a genuine constraint, since developers who commission the studies retain strong influence over how the findings are interpreted. (C) This process begins with a baseline survey, in which specialists document existing conditions, including wildlife, water quality, and air composition, so that future changes can be measured against a reference point. Analysts then model how the project might alter these conditions, drawing on data from comparable developments.

Slips of paper covered with unfamiliar Chinese characters are passed in through a slot in the door, and he answers them by consulting his rulebook line by line. Imagine a man locked inside a room who does not understand a single word of Chinese, yet who possesses a giant rulebook written entirely in English. ( ① ) By matching each incoming symbol to an appropriate outgoing symbol, he produces replies that appear fluent to anyone outside. ( ② ) From the perspective of a native speaker reading the responses, the room seems to understand Chinese perfectly. ( ③ ) Yet the man inside understands nothing at all; he is merely manipulating shapes according to formal rules, without grasping their meaning. ( ④ ) This scenario was designed to challenge the assumption that a computer running a sophisticated program truly understands language simply because it produces convincing output. ( ⑤ ) Passing every external test of intelligence, the argument suggests, is not the same as possessing genuine understanding, since syntax alone can never generate semantics.

Researchers sometimes call this ability perspective-taking, and it does not stay confined to the pages of a book. Psychologists have long wondered whether reading fiction can change how people treat others in real life. ( ① ) Several studies suggest that novels which describe a character's inner thoughts in detail can train readers to imagine what other people are feeling, a skill closely related to empathy. ( ② ) When readers follow a character through difficult choices, they practice stepping into someone else's perspective without any real risk to themselves. ( ③ ) This kind of mental practice, researchers argue, can carry over into everyday situations, making readers more likely to notice a classmate's hidden sadness or understand a stranger's unusual behavior. ( ④ ) Not every book produces this effect equally. Stories that stay focused only on fast action, with little attention to characters' inner lives, appear to build empathy far less than stories that slow down to explore emotion. ( ⑤ ) For this reason, some psychologists now recommend that young readers balance fast-paced adventure novels with quieter stories about ordinary people and their feelings.