영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Social unrest does not always emerge from the poorest conditions; it frequently erupts when circumstances ①are improving but not quickly enough to satisfy rising expectations. This paradox lies at the heart of relative deprivation theory, which ②holds that discontent arises less from objective hardship than from a perceived gap between what people expect and what they actually receive. Political scientist Ted Gurr illustrated the pattern with what is often called the J-curve: revolutions tend to follow a period of sustained improvement that is then followed by a sudden reversal, ③left citizens who had grown accustomed to progress feeling suddenly cheated of gains they had come to regard as their due. Because the theory centers on perception rather than raw statistics, it helps explain why relatively prosperous societies can experience intense protest while societies ④mired in long-standing poverty sometimes remain comparatively quiet, ⑤having adjusted their expectations to match a bleak and unchanging reality.

When people encounter an individual ①who appears to memorize enormous quantities of specialized information effortlessly, they often assume that person possesses an innate gift. Cognitive psychologists, however, contend that such feats rarely stem from raw talent alone. Instead, such feats arise from a learned skill known as chunking, ②whereby scattered pieces of information are consolidated into larger, meaningful units. A landmark study of chess players demonstrated this principle. When shown a board arranged according to plausible game positions, grandmasters ③reproduced the layout perfect. Yet when the same pieces were scattered randomly, their performance collapsed to the level of novices. This pattern reveals that expert memory is not larger in raw capacity but is instead organized around patterns ④accumulated through years of deliberate practice. If chunking, rather than innate aptitude, underlies expert performance, then educators should stop treating talent as fixed and destiny-bound. Curricula ought to be redesigned to cultivate pattern recognition explicitly, ⑤since doing so would grant far more students access to expertise once presumed reserved for the naturally gifted.

The twenty-hour rule proposes that years of practice ①are not needed to become skilled at a new activity. Only about twenty hours of effort are needed to reach a useful level. Unlike theories ②claiming true mastery requires ten thousand hours, this rule targets a more modest goal. According to supporters, practicing any new skill produces the fastest visible improvement, since a beginner ③has room to grow. Someone learning guitar can typically strum simple chords and follow a basic song within twenty hours of ④daily practice. Advocates emphasize that the twenty hours must be deliberate and focused, broken into short daily sessions rather than one long stretch, and ⑤aims at fixing weaknesses rather than repeating what one already knows.

Physical education class often feels like the one period of the day when students can finally move freely, which sometimes leads them ①to skip the warm-up routine that teachers insist on before any real activity begins. Cold muscles, however, are noticeably ②less flexible than warmed ones, and stretching a stiff hamstring or ankle too quickly can cause a strain that keeps a student off the field for weeks rather than minutes. Coaches often compare an unwarmed muscle to a cold rubber band that ③snap rather than stretches under sudden pressure. Beyond warming up, wearing proper footwear matters more than most students realize; running in worn-out sneakers with little grip left on the sole significantly ④raises the chance of a twisted ankle on a gym floor or an outdoor field. Reporting a minor pain immediately, rather than pushing through it to finish a game, also ⑤prevents a small issue from becoming a repeated injury that lingers for an entire season.

The planning fallacy describes the tendency to ①underestimate how long a task will take, even when experience suggests otherwise. Psychologists who studied this bias found that people focus mainly on an ②idealized, best-case version of a project. They focus less on how similar projects actually unfolded before. Large construction projects offer another example. Officials frequently predict completion dates that later prove far too ③optimistic once delays appear. One reason this bias persists is that people ④rarely review their history of missed deadlines, relying instead on hopeful imagination. By anchoring predictions to real outcomes, planners can produce estimates that are considerably more ⑤inaccurate.

When people look back on a multi-day journey, they ①rarely recall every hour with equal clarity; instead, memory tends to compress the entire experience into just a few representative moments. Psychologists have found that two points carry ②disproportionate weight in this process: the single moment when emotion, whether joy or discomfort, reached its highest intensity, and whatever happened right before the experience concluded. Consider two hikers who complete an identical five-day trek. The first finishes with a ③grueling, rain-soaked final climb, while the second enjoys a calm, scenic descent on the last afternoon despite having endured an equally difficult ascent earlier in the trip. Even though both hikers faced comparable hardship overall, the second is far ④less likely to remember the journey fondly, simply because the trip ended pleasantly. This pattern reveals that overall satisfaction is not calculated as an average of every experienced moment; rather, it is shaped disproportionately by whichever moments felt most ⑤intense and by however the experience happened to end.

For my birthday, my older sister took me to a small pottery studio where visitors can shape their own bowl or cup on a spinning wheel. I expected the wheel to do most of the difficult work automatically, since it was already spinning quickly by the time I sat down. My first attempt collapsed into a shapeless lump within seconds, because _______________. The instructor explained that beginners almost always press too hard on one side, which throws the entire piece off balance no matter how fast or slow the wheel spins. After nearly a dozen failed attempts, I finally produced a lopsided but recognizable cup, and the small imperfection along its rim somehow made me prouder of it than a perfectly smooth, machine-made mug ever could have. Clay, I learned that afternoon, rewards patience far more generously than it rewards force.

Imagine watching a fair coin land on heads five times in a row and feeling an increasingly strong intuition that the next flip is somehow due to produce tails. (A) This intuition, though psychologically compelling, rests on a basic misunderstanding of probability, since each flip of a fair coin remains entirely independent of every flip that came before it. (B) The coin possesses no memory of its previous outcomes, and its probability of landing on tails on the sixth flip stays fixed at fifty percent regardless of how many heads preceded it. (C) Casinos have long profited from this misconception, watching gamblers place larger bets after a losing streak simply because they mistakenly believe that a win has become statistically overdue.

Retailers have discovered practical ways to counteract the negative effects of choice overload without simply reducing the number of products they offer. (A) One common strategy involves organizing an extensive product catalog into clearly labeled categories and subcategories, allowing customers to narrow their search gradually rather than confronting the entire array at once. (B) Another approach highlights a small number of curated recommendations, such as "staff picks" or "best sellers," giving hesitant customers a reasonable starting point without eliminating other options entirely. (C) Both strategies share a common principle: they do not reduce the objective number of choices available but instead reduce the cognitive burden of navigating them.

주어진 문장: A well-designed multimedia lesson, for instance, presents narration and matching diagrams simultaneously rather than forcing students to consult them separately. Cognitive load theory begins from the premise that working memory, the mental workspace in which incoming information is temporarily held and manipulated, can accommodate only a limited number of novel elements at any given moment, in stark contrast to the comparatively vast capacity of long-term memory. ( ① ) When instructional materials introduce more interacting elements than this narrow workspace can simultaneously process, learners experience what theorists call cognitive overload, a condition under which comprehension deteriorates and errors multiply regardless of how motivated the learner might be. ( ② ) Because much of this burden arises not from the intrinsic difficulty of the subject matter itself but from the manner in which information is presented, instructional designers can substantially reduce unnecessary strain by eliminating redundant explanations, aligning visual and verbal elements so that learners need not mentally integrate scattered sources, and gradually withdrawing guidance as competence develops. ( ③ ) Ignoring these principles, by contrast, ( ④ ) risks overwhelming novices with demands that exceed their processing capacity, however well-organized the underlying content may be. ( ⑤ )