영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

문제 1

Soyeon joined an online study group chat where dozens of students ①planned a class project together every evening. When one member suggested ②skip a required survey step to save time, several others quickly agreed, and no one raised any objections. Soyeon privately worried that skipping the survey might ③weaken their project, but seeing everyone else nodding along, she stayed silent rather than risk sounding difficult. The group proceeded confidently, convinced their shortcut was harmless, until their teacher ④pointed out serious gaps once the project was submitted. She realized that the chat's friendly, unified atmosphere had actually ⑤discouraged critical thinking, making poor decisions feel completely normal at the time.

문제 2

Imagine two travelers ① preparing for the same trip: one refuses to fly after watching news coverage of a recent plane crash, while the other books a flight without hesitation. Statistically, air travel remains far safer than ② driving the same distance by car, yet vivid, emotionally charged images tend to dominate human judgment more powerfully than dry statistics ever could. This tendency, in which people ③ estimate how likely an event is based on how easily examples come to mind rather than on actual data, quietly shapes countless everyday decisions. News broadcasts that repeatedly feature rare disasters can leave viewers ④ convinced that such events are common, even though official records clearly show the opposite. Advertisers and politicians alike exploit this pattern, knowing that a single striking anecdote often ⑤ persuade audiences more effectively than pages of careful statistics ever manage to.

문제 3

Eyewitness testimony ①has long carried weight in courtrooms, yet decades of research reveal that memories of witnessed events are more malleable than most people assume. When individuals who observe an event ②are later exposed to misleading information about what they saw, whether through a leading question or a conversation with another witness, their recollections frequently incorporate details that never occurred, a phenomenon known as the misinformation effect. In one classic paradigm, participants who watched a video of a traffic accident and ③were then asked how fast the cars were going when they smashed into each other reported higher speed estimates and were more likely to falsely recall broken glass than participants asked the identical question using the milder verb hit. Crucially, these distorted memories often feel genuine to the person experiencing them, since the original memory trace ④become blended with the newly introduced information rather than existing as a separate, contradictory record. Such findings ⑤have prompted legal systems to adopt cautious interviewing protocols designed to minimize suggestive questioning during investigations.

문제 4

When Mina graduated from college five years ago, she had never even heard the term "data scientist." She had studied statistics simply because she ①enjoying solving puzzles with numbers. Everything changed when a small tech startup, ②which was building an app to predict traffic patterns, hired her to analyze massive amounts of data. Mina quickly discovered that she loved ③turning raw numbers into insights that helped real people make better decisions. Within two years, demand for professionals like her ④had exploded, as companies in every industry realized how valuable data could be. Today, Mina leads a team of ten analysts, ⑤mentoring young graduates who are drawn to a field that barely existed.

문제 5

When people are asked to judge how risky or beneficial a particular technology is, they ① often conduct anything resembling a careful cost-benefit analysis. Instead, they consult a quick emotional impression, an ② instinctive sense of whether the technology feels good or feels bad, and let that impression guide their entire judgment. This mental shortcut, known as the affect heuristic, produces a ③ curious pattern that traditional risk theory struggles to explain: activities people like tend to be judged as both safer and more beneficial, while activities they dislike are judged as both riskier and less beneficial, even when no logical relationship between risk and benefit exists. For example, when researchers presented a fictional industrial chemical alongside a brief description emphasizing its convenience, participants rated it not only as more useful but also, ④ illogically, as less dangerous. Because emotional impressions form so rapidly and feel so trustworthy, correcting for this heuristic requires ⑤ deliberate effort; simply presenting more accurate statistics to already anxious or enthusiastic audiences rarely changes their underlying judgment.

문제 6

Carbon neutrality refers to a state in which the amount of greenhouse gases a country or company releases into the atmosphere is ①balanced by the amount it removes, resulting in zero net emissions. Achieving this goal typically requires several sequential stages rather than a single sudden action. First, organizations attempt to ②reduce emissions directly by replacing fossil fuels with renewable energy sources such as solar or wind power. Next, they ③improve efficiency throughout their operations, minimizing the energy wasted during production and transportation. Only after these direct measures have been ④maximized do most organizations turn to offsetting, which involves funding projects like reforestation or carbon capture to compensate for emissions that cannot yet be eliminated. Critics argue, however, that some companies exploit offsetting too early, using it to avoid making genuine reductions. Therefore, experts insist that a ⑤flawed roadmap must always prioritize actual emission cuts before relying on compensation.

문제 7

Financial markets occasionally experience episodes in which asset prices rise far beyond any level that careful analysis of underlying fundamentals could justify, a phenomenon commonly attributed to herd psychology. During such episodes, individual investors, observing that prices have already risen substantially, often conclude that continuing to buy is ①reasonable simply because so many others are doing the same, rather than because any independent evaluation supports the purchase. This dynamic can become self-perpetuating: rising prices attract new buyers, whose purchases push prices higher still, thereby attracting yet another wave of buyers convinced that the upward trend itself constitutes ②reliable evidence of underlying value. Historical episodes of speculative excess display a strikingly similar pattern, suggesting that the underlying psychological mechanism remains ③variable even as the specific assets involved change considerably across centuries. Eventually, however, some triggering event, however minor, prompts a portion of investors to ④reconsider their assumptions, and the resulting wave of selling can trigger a collapse every bit as rapid and self-reinforcing as the original ⑤ascent.

문제 8

Factories that once employed hundreds of workers on an assembly line now run with a fraction of that staff, as robotic arms handle tasks that used to require human hands. (A) However, critics point out that earlier transitions unfolded over generations, giving workers time to retrain, whereas today's robots are being deployed much faster. (B) Historical evidence offers some comfort: previous waves of automation eventually created new categories of work that no one had predicted. (C) A factory worker displaced this year, therefore, cannot simply wait for a new industry to emerge decades from now.

문제 9

Why do people often overvalue objects they have partly built themselves, even when the finished product is objectively inferior to something they could have simply purchased? (A) This puzzle, which researchers named after a furniture retailer famous for selling items that require home assembly, challenges the standard economic assumption that value is determined solely by an object's inherent qualities. (B) In a series of experiments, participants who assembled a plain storage box were willing to pay nearly as much for their own imperfect creation as they were for a professionally built version, despite being fully aware of its flaws. (C) Labor, it seems, functions as a kind of psychological investment: once effort has been poured into a task, individuals become reluctant to judge the outcome objectively, because doing so would require admitting that their effort was partly wasted. This tendency helps explain why consumers often prefer products that demand some degree of personal assembly, even when a comparable finished item is available at a lower price and requires no time investment whatsoever.

문제 10

Ironically, the more confident these investors become, the less likely they are to seek out disconfirming evidence at all. Confirmation bias exerts a particularly strong influence in financial markets, where uncertainty leaves considerable room for interpretation. ( ① ) An investor convinced that a certain stock is undervalued will often read every piece of ambiguous news as further proof of that belief. ( ② ) Positive earnings are taken as confirmation of the stock's hidden potential, while disappointing earnings are dismissed as a temporary anomaly rather than a genuine warning sign. ( ③ ) This selective interpretation allows the investor's initial conviction to grow stronger with each new piece of information, regardless of whether that information actually supports the belief. ( ④ ) Financial advisors therefore recommend that investors deliberately seek out opinions that challenge their existing positions before making major decisions. ( ⑤ ) Only by actively exposing oneself to disconfirming evidence can one guard against the self-reinforcing cycle that confirmation bias tends to produce.

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