영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

VO2 max, ①defined as the maximum volume of oxygen a person's body can consume and use during intense exercise, is widely regarded as one of the best single indicators of cardiorespiratory fitness. Elite endurance athletes typically post VO2 max values far higher than those of untrained individuals, ②reflecting hearts that pump larger volumes of blood and muscles that extract oxygen from that blood with remarkable efficiency. While genetics accounts for a substantial portion of an individual's potential VO2 max, consistent aerobic training can still ③raise the measurement considerably over months of dedicated effort. Interval training, which alternates short bursts of near-maximal effort with periods of recovery, has proven particularly effective at ④improve this measurement compared to steady, moderate-intensity exercise alone. It is worth noting, however, that a high VO2 max does not guarantee success in competition, since factors such as running economy, pacing strategy, and mental resilience also ⑤play a decisive role in determining who actually crosses the finish line first.

Millions of people now wear devices that continuously track their heart rate, sleep patterns, and daily activity, ①generating an intimate stream of health data that would have been unthinkable to collect just two decades ago. Users generally assume this information belongs to them, since it ②is drawn directly from their own bodies. In practice, however, the terms of service that few people read often ③grants the manufacturer broad rights to store, analyze, and even sell anonymized versions of that data to insurers or advertisers. This arrangement becomes especially troubling when health data influences decisions far beyond fitness, such as insurance premiums or employment screening. Advocates for reform argue that biological data deserves a category of protection ④stronger than ordinary consumer information, precisely because it can never truly ⑤be replaced or reset once it has been exposed.

For much of its history, economic theory treated emotion as a distortion to be eliminated from otherwise rational calculation, an obstacle standing between decision-makers and their true self-interest. More recent research, however, suggests that emotion functions not merely as noise but as an ①integral component of sound judgment, one that supplies information conventional reasoning alone cannot readily access. Individuals who, due to specific neurological conditions, lose the capacity to experience emotion while retaining otherwise normal cognitive abilities frequently struggle to make even simple decisions, spending ②excessive time weighing options that most people resolve almost instantly through a felt sense of what seems right. This observation suggests that emotional responses often function as rapid heuristics, allowing individuals to ③bypass exhaustive deliberation by relying on accumulated affective associations built from past experience. At the same time, acute emotional states, particularly fear and excitement, can distort judgment in predictable directions: fear tends to make individuals more risk-averse than their circumstances objectively warrant, while excitement can ④inflate optimism about outcomes that remain, in reality, highly uncertain. Financial regulators have begun incorporating this understanding into policy design, recognizing that decisions made under conditions of acute emotional arousal often depart substantially from the measured judgment that individuals would exhibit under ⑤turbulent circumstances.

Sociologist Erving Goffman argued that people constantly perform for others, much like actors managing their image on a stage, a concept known as impression management. This idea applies vividly to social media, where users select flattering photos and delete posts that might damage their reputation. Such careful curation allows people to present an idealized version of themselves that emphasizes achievements while hiding struggles or ordinary moments. However, when this performance becomes constant, a troubling gap can form between one's authentic self and the polished character displayed online. Maintaining that gap requires considerable emotional energy, and studies suggest it often leads to anxiety and exhaustion. Furthermore, comparing one's own carefully staged life to others' equally staged posts can distort what people believe is normal. Therefore, _______________.

Not every default setting, however, produces beneficial outcomes for the people subject to it. (A) A default that automatically enrolls customers in a costly subscription renewal, for example, can generate continued revenue for a company precisely because inertia discourages customers from canceling, even when they would prefer to stop paying. (B) This example illustrates that the power of defaults is ethically neutral in itself, capable of serving either the interests of the individual or the interests of whoever designs the choice environment. (C) Regulators in several jurisdictions have responded by requiring companies to make cancellation just as simple as enrollment, reducing the asymmetry that defaults can otherwise exploit.

The growing presence of AI in creative fields has sparked lively discussion among artists and critics alike. (A) In contrast, some artists worry that relying too heavily on such tools may weaken the value placed on original human creativity. (B) Many artists have embraced AI as a way to explore new styles quickly and overcome creative blocks. (C) Given these opposing views, most experts now agree that AI works best as a partner rather than a replacement for human creators.

Loss aversion does not only influence individual financial choices; it also shapes how information is presented and interpreted in everyday transactions, a phenomenon that marketers and policymakers have learned to exploit deliberately. (A) For example, a retailer who frames a price reduction as "avoid losing a $10 discount by ordering today" typically generates a stronger customer response than one who simply advertises "get a $10 discount," even though both messages describe an identical saving. (B) In other words, the manner in which a choice is presented can activate the same psychological aversion to loss that governs decisions about resources already possessed, meaning that framing itself carries real economic weight. (C) This effect is not confined to retail settings, however; negotiators, too, often treat concessions as losses rather than as steps toward mutual gain, which makes compromise feel more costly than it objectively is.

Behavioral economists have long studied how small changes in choice environments affect human decisions. (A) Imagine a cafeteria where a healthy salad sits at eye level while fried snacks rest on a low shelf. Nobody is forbidden from choosing the snacks, yet most people quietly pick the salad instead. This simple technique illustrates a nudge, a concept from behavioral economics that gently guides people toward better choices without restricting their freedom. (B) Unlike strict regulations or heavy taxes, nudges rely on subtle changes in design rather than force. Critics argue nudges alone cannot solve large environmental problems, but combined with stronger policies, they can meaningfully shift everyday habits toward sustainability. (C) Companies and governments increasingly apply nudges to encourage sustainable consumption. For example, some hotels print reminders on towels stating that most guests reuse them, which persuades new guests to do the same and save water. Similarly, energy bills that compare a household's usage with that of efficient neighbors often lead people to reduce electricity use.

주어진 문장: This memory advantage occurs because the brain treats an open task as unresolved business that deserves continued attention. Have you ever noticed that an unfinished task keeps returning to your mind long after you stopped working? ( ① ) This phenomenon was first noticed by psychologist Bluma Zeigarnik, who saw that waiters remembered unpaid orders better than paid ones. ( ② ) Her observation led to what is now called the Zeigarnik effect: people remember incomplete tasks more vividly than completed ones. ( ③ ) According to this theory, the mind maintains mental tension until a task reaches closure, keeping the unfinished task active in memory. ( ④ ) Once the task is completed, the tension is released, and the mind lets go of the details. This effect explains why students often think about unsolved homework even during unrelated activities like eating dinner. It also explains why writing down an incomplete plan can reduce anxiety, since a note serves as temporary closure. Teachers sometimes use this principle, leaving lessons purposely unfinished to encourage students to keep thinking about the material. ( ⑤ )

주어진 문장: This is why a ten-minute wait for test results can feel far longer than a ten-minute conversation with a close friend. Have you ever felt a boring class lasted forever while an exciting weekend disappeared in an instant? ( ① ) This common experience reflects what psychologists call the distortion of time perception: subjective time can differ from actual clock time. ( ② ) Researchers explain that people who focus intensely on an enjoyable activity process fewer separate moments, so time seems to pass quickly. ( ③ ) In contrast, bored or anxious people pay closer attention to each moment, making time feel as though it is dragging. ( ④ ) When people become deeply engaged in a task, they often lose track of time, unaware of how many minutes have passed. For example, athletes and musicians often say that hours felt like minutes while they were fully absorbed in performance. Meanwhile, students waiting anxiously for exam results describe the same few minutes as unbearably slow. ( ⑤ ) Understanding this distortion helps explain why identical time intervals can feel very different depending on mental state.