영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

When a beverage company launched a new flavor last summer, the marketing team faced a tight budget and needed a creative solution. Instead of relying on expensive television commercials, they designed a simple dance challenge and invited a handful of everyday users ①to post videos using the product. Within days, thousands of people began recreating the dance and tagging the brand, turning an ordinary product launch into a viral trend. Because participants created the content themselves, viewers found the videos far more entertaining than a traditional advertisement would have been. The company barely spent any money on production, yet the challenge ②reach millions of viewers across multiple platforms. Researchers later explained that the original challenge ③succeeded because it ④felt spontaneous and fun rather than obviously commercial. This case demonstrates that authenticity, not advertising budget, often ⑤determines whether a campaign truly resonates with audiences.

When Mina graduated from college five years ago, she had never even heard the term "data scientist." She had studied statistics simply because she ①enjoying solving puzzles with numbers. Everything changed when a small tech startup, ②which was building an app to predict traffic patterns, hired her to analyze massive amounts of data. Mina quickly discovered that she loved ③turning raw numbers into insights that helped real people make better decisions. Within two years, demand for professionals like her ④had exploded, as companies in every industry realized how valuable data could be. Today, Mina leads a team of ten analysts, ⑤mentoring young graduates who are drawn to a field that barely existed.

A striking proportion of individual investors believe their own stock-picking ability to be above average, a statistical impossibility given that only half of any population can genuinely outperform the rest, yet a pattern that ①persists with remarkable consistency across surveys. This tendency, known as overconfidence bias, leads investors ②to trade more frequently than a more cautious assessment of their own skill would justify. Extensive research comparing the trading records of numerous individual accounts has demonstrated that investors who trade most frequently ③tends to earn substantially lower returns than those who trade rarely, largely because transaction costs accumulate and because frequent trading often reflects overconfident reactions to short-term noise rather than genuine insight. Overconfidence also manifests in the tendency to underestimate the range of possible outcomes, ④causing investors to concentrate their holdings in a small number of assets they feel certain about rather than diversifying across a broader portfolio. Paradoxically, then, the very confidence that motivates investors to act decisively often ⑤undermines the outcomes they are trying to achieve.

When a customer opens a company's website at midnight with a billing question, an actual employee is ① common to be available, which is exactly the gap that customer service chatbots were built to fill. These programs can instantly answer common questions, track packages, and process simple refunds without making anyone wait on hold. Companies ② value them because a single chatbot can handle thousands of conversations simultaneously, something no call center could ever match. Yet the technology has clear ③ boundaries. When a customer's problem is unusual, emotionally charged, or simply does not fit the chatbot's script, the automated replies can feel frustratingly ④ circular, repeating the same suggestion no matter how the question is rephrased. Many companies have responded by designing chatbots to recognize their own limits, automatically transferring a frustrated customer to a human agent before the conversation turns into a source of ⑤ complaint rather than a solution.

Traditional economic models predict that a rational individual offered any positive sum of money, however small, should ①accept it without hesitation, since even a modest gain is preferable to receiving nothing at all. When the proposer offers a division perceived as ②unfair, such as retaining ninety percent of the sum for themselves, the second participant frequently rejects the offer entirely, leaving both parties with nothing rather than accepting an outcome viewed as insulting. This behavior indicates that individuals value fairness as an end in itself, sometimes willingly ③sacrificing material gain to punish perceived exploitation. Neuroscientific investigations complement this finding, revealing that unfair offers activate brain regions associated with ④pleasure and negative emotion, suggesting that the rejection of unfairness is not merely a calculated strategic move but also an emotionally driven response. Such evidence challenges the assumption that economic actors pursue only their own material self-interest, demonstrating instead that considerations of equity can ⑤override the straightforward pursuit of maximum individual gain.

Hospitals are increasingly adopting artificial intelligence tools that can scan medical images and flag potential tumors ① faster and, in some trials, more accurately than experienced radiologists. Patients understandably welcome any technology that catches disease earlier, yet the growing reliance on these tools raises an uncomfortable legal question that hospitals have only begun to address. When an AI system misses a diagnosis that a human doctor would likely have caught, responsibility becomes ② easy to assign. The doctor may argue that they simply trusted a tool the hospital required them to use, the hospital may argue that the software company guaranteed its accuracy, and the software company may argue that no algorithm can be expected to be ③ perfect. Until legal systems ④ clarify this chain of responsibility, patients harmed by an algorithmic error may find themselves with no clear party to hold ⑤ accountable.

Psychologist John Suler proposed a concept called the online disinhibition effect, describing how people behave differently on the internet than they do face to face. Because usernames often hide real identities and screens create physical distance from others, individuals feel freer to express themselves without immediate social consequences. This freedom can be beneficial, allowing shy people to share honest feelings they would normally hesitate to reveal in person. However, the same anonymity frequently produces a darker outcome, encouraging users to post cruel comments they would never say to someone's face. Malicious remarks left under celebrities' photos or news articles illustrate how quickly this behavior can spread once a few users set the tone. Such comments often cause severe emotional harm to the people who receive them. Therefore, users must _______________.

Mental accounting also shapes how consumers respond to windfalls of different sizes and origins. (A) A modest windfall, such as a small cash-back reward, tends to be absorbed into everyday spending and disappears almost unnoticed within a household's general budget. (B) A substantial windfall, by contrast, such as an inheritance or a large bonus, is more likely to be mentally assigned to a separate category, sometimes labeled as "extra" money reserved for investment or a significant purchase. (C) This difference in treatment suggests that the perceived significance of a sum, rather than its objective purchasing power, determines the mental account into which it is placed.

As more schools shift toward digital textbooks and online assignments, a student without reliable internet access at home faces a disadvantage that has little to do with talent or effort. (A) That assumption is increasingly being reconsidered, particularly as more essential services, from job applications to medical appointments, move online by default. (B) Some policymakers initially treated internet access as a convenience, comparable to cable television, rather than as infrastructure essential to modern life. (C) Closing this divide will require more than simply distributing devices; it will demand sustained investment in the physical networks that carry information into every home.

This is precisely because probability estimates, however precise, fail to address the emotional discomfort that uncertainty itself produces. Financial advisors frequently observe that detailed statistical evidence fails to ease anxious clients' urge to sell during a market downturn, even when the evidence is presented clearly and repeatedly. ( ① ) Clients may intellectually accept the statistics while still feeling a strong urge to sell immediately in order to escape the discomfort of continued uncertainty. ( ② ) Advisors who instead acknowledge the client's fear directly, validating it as a normal response before presenting the data, tend to achieve better outcomes. ( ③ ) This approach treats the emotional response as a legitimate factor to be addressed rather than an irrational obstacle to be argued away. ( ④ ) The most effective financial guidance, in other words, engages both the emotional and analytical dimensions of a decision simultaneously. ( ⑤ ) Ignoring either dimension, evidence suggests, leaves clients more likely to make impulsive decisions they later regret.