영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Anyone who has ever promised to finish a project "by Friday," only ① to still being working on it weeks later, has experienced the planning fallacy firsthand. This term describes the persistent tendency of individuals and organizations ② to underestimate how long a task will take, how much it will cost, and how many complications will inevitably arise. What makes this bias particularly stubborn is that awareness of past failures rarely leads to more accurate predictions; a construction firm that ③ finished its last three projects late will often insist, with genuine confidence, that this next project will be different. Researchers argue that planners focus almost exclusively on the specific steps of the current task while ④ ignoring the broader statistical record of similar projects that came before. Until such external correction becomes standard practice, ambitious deadlines will likely continue to be ⑤ broken with remarkable consistency.

To compensate for their carbon emissions, many individuals and companies now ①purchases carbon offsets, financial credits that fund projects such as planting trees or building renewable energy plants. The idea is appealing: paying for an equivalent amount of carbon to be absorbed elsewhere should cancel out the harm caused by activities like flying. However, critics argue that this system often ②functions as a convenient excuse for postponing genuine emission cuts rather than achieving them. For example, a newly planted forest may take decades to absorb the promised carbon, and it could later ③burn down or be cut, erasing any benefit. Moreover, some offset projects would have happened anyway, meaning the credits fund nothing truly ④additional. Therefore, relying heavily on offsets allows businesses ⑤to maintain harmful practices while appearing responsible.

When I finally got the chance to interview a professional webtoon artist for our school newspaper, I expected her ① to describe drawing as the hardest part of her job. Instead, she told me that writing the story comes first, often ② taking longer than the artwork itself. She sketches rough thumbnails for an entire chapter before touching a single detailed panel, ③ testing whether the pacing keeps readers scrolling instead of losing interest halfway through. She also reads every comment section carefully, not to copy what fans suggest, but ④ to understand which moments made readers feel something real. What surprised me most was learning that a single weekly episode, which takes only a few minutes to read, usually ⑤ take her nearly forty hours to complete from script to finished color.

Parents and coaches sometimes worry that heavy resistance training might damage the growth plates in a young athlete's bones, cartilage regions near the ends of long bones that are ① responsible for lengthening as a child develops. This concern kept strength training out of many youth programs for decades. However, extensive research over the past twenty years has found ② little evidence that properly supervised resistance training harms growth plates in healthy children. The actual risk arises not from lifting weights itself but from ③ poor technique, excessive load, and inadequate supervision. Major pediatric and sports medicine organizations now generally agree that structured strength programs, when taught with correct form and appropriate weight, can safely ④ improve bone density, coordination, and injury resistance in young athletes. The key variable, in other words, is not whether children lift weights but how carefully that training is ⑤ ignored.

Memory researchers have long recognized that learning is not simply a matter of accumulating information without cost. Newly acquired material can collide with what the mind already holds, producing measurable disruptions ① in recall. When earlier knowledge interferes with the retrieval of information learned afterward, psychologists call this proactive ② interference. This phenomenon explains why someone who memorized an old phone number for years may struggle to recall a new one. Conversely, when material learned later undermines the recollection of something acquired earlier, the process is labeled retroactive interference. This second mechanism explains why switching to a new keyboard layout can temporarily improve ③ typing on a familiar one. Both processes suggest that memories compete for the same limited retrieval pathways ④ rather than resting in isolated compartments. This insight carries real implications for how students approach studying multiple similar subjects. Instead of cramming closely related material back to back, spacing out review sessions can reduce ⑤ competition between overlapping traces. Varying study contexts further helps preserve accuracy for both old and new information alike.

Suppose you meet a quiet, gentle man who speaks softly, tends a small garden, and organizes his bookshelf with meticulous care. Asked whether he is more likely a florist or a truck driver, most people instinctively choose florist, since his personality matches the stereotype so neatly. This judgment, however, ignores a crucial fact: _______________, which means that, statistically, he is far more likely to belong to the larger group regardless of how well he fits the flower-shop image. Relying on resemblance to a familiar category rather than on underlying numerical proportions leads people to overlook these base rates almost automatically.

Classical economic theory long assumed that decision makers gather all relevant information, calculate every possible outcome, and select the single option that maximizes their benefit. Herbert Simon, however, questioned this assumption, arguing that human beings operate under real constraints of time, knowledge, and mental capacity that make such exhaustive calculation practically impossible. Instead of searching endlessly for the theoretically perfect choice, _______________, a strategy Simon termed satisficing. A shopper comparing refrigerators, for example, rarely examines every model available; she instead sets a few practical criteria, such as price and size, and selects the first appliance that satisfies them adequately.

Modern consumer culture often assumes that expanding the range of available options will automatically make people freer and happier, yet a growing body of research suggests the opposite may sometimes be true. When individuals select from an enormous set of alternatives, satisfaction with the final choice frequently declines rather than rises, even when the chosen item is objectively excellent. Having considered so many possibilities, a person naturally imagines the specific advantages that a different, unchosen option might have offered, and this imagined comparison quietly erodes contentment with what was actually selected. The paradox, therefore, is that _______________.

Around elementary schools, bright yellow signs mark what is known as a school zone, an area where drivers are required to slow down to reduce the risk of striking a child who might dart into the street without warning. (A) A car traveling even ten kilometers per hour slower gives a driver several extra seconds to brake, often the exact difference between a frightening near miss and a tragedy. (B) Some drivers complain that the reduced speed limit wastes their time, especially when no children happen to be visible at that moment. (C) This complaint misses an important fact about how children behave near traffic: young students often lack the judgment to predict how far a car will travel before it can stop.

주어진 문장: This asymmetry is troubling precisely because, in reality, risk and benefit are often unrelated or even inversely related. When people are asked to judge how risky or beneficial a particular technology is, they rarely conduct anything resembling a careful cost-benefit analysis. ( ① ) Instead, they consult a quick emotional impression, an instinctive sense of whether the technology feels good or feels bad, and let that impression guide their entire judgment. ( ② ) This mental shortcut, known as the affect heuristic, produces a curious pattern that traditional risk theory struggles to explain: activities people like tend to be judged as both safer and more beneficial, while activities they dislike are judged as both riskier and less beneficial, even when no logical relationship between risk and benefit exists. ( ③ ) For example, when researchers presented a fictional industrial chemical alongside a brief description emphasizing its convenience, participants rated it not only as more useful but also, illogically, as less dangerous. ( ④ ) Because emotional impressions form so rapidly and feel so trustworthy, correcting for this heuristic requires deliberate effort; simply presenting more accurate statistics to already anxious or enthusiastic audiences rarely changes their underlying judgment. ( ⑤ )