영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

A smart thermostat that learns a family's daily rhythm can lower the temperature automatically before everyone wakes up cold, while smart lights ① that follow a resident's schedule no longer need to be switched on and off by hand. These small conveniences rest on a shared foundation: sensors collect data about temperature, motion, and light throughout the home, and an algorithm gradually learns ② which settings match each household's actual habits rather than a factory default. Over months of use, the system becomes noticeably better at ③ anticipate needs, often adjusting settings moments before a resident would have reached for a switch. Yet convenience comes with a trade-off that many households ④ overlook. Every one of these small adjustments depends on constant data collection, meaning that a detailed record of when people wake, leave, and return home is quietly ⑤ being stored somewhere beyond their immediate control.

As efforts to curb greenhouse gas emissions intensify, industries unable to eliminate carbon dioxide from their processes have turned to a technology ①known as carbon capture and storage. This technology involves ②separating carbon dioxide from the exhaust of power plants before it is released into the atmosphere, then transporting the captured gas for underground injection. Once injected into porous rock formations, the gas is trapped beneath layers of impermeable rock that ③prevents it from escaping into the air. Proponents argue that carbon capture and storage functions as a bridge technology, allowing heavy industries to keep operating while more sustainable alternatives are developed. For instance, cement and steel production, both of which ④release carbon dioxide as an unavoidable byproduct of chemical reactions, are considered prime candidates for this approach. However, critics contend that the technology remains prohibitively expensive and that building pipelines requires investments few companies make voluntarily. Despite such concerns, many governments continue ⑤funding pilot projects, convinced that this technology will play an indispensable role in reaching emission targets.

Memory researchers have long recognized that learning is not simply a matter of accumulating ① information without cost. Newly acquired material can collide with what the mind already holds, produce ② measurable disruptions in recall. When earlier knowledge interferes ③ with the retrieval of information learned afterward, psychologists call this proactive interference. This phenomenon explains why someone who memorized an old phone number for years may struggle to recall a new one. Conversely, when material learned later undermines the recollection of something acquired earlier, the process is labeled ④ retroactive interference. This second mechanism explains why switching to a new keyboard layout can temporarily impair typing on a familiar one. Both processes suggest that memories compete for the same limited retrieval pathways rather than resting in isolated compartments. This insight carries real implications for how students approach studying multiple similar subjects. Instead of cramming closely related material back to back, spacing out review sessions can reduce ⑤ competition between overlapping traces. Varying study contexts further helps preserve accuracy for both old and new information alike.

When consumers compare two products and assume that the one ①labeled "eco-friendly" is automatically the more sustainable choice, they often overlook the complexity involved in verifying such a claim. Life cycle assessment, commonly abbreviated as LCA, is a systematic method ②developed to evaluate the environmental impact of a product across every stage of its existence. This method examines raw material extraction, manufacturing, transportation, use, and disposal, ③compiling data on energy consumption and emissions generated at each stage. By tracing a product from its origin to its disposal, this approach reveals impacts that might otherwise remain hidden from consumers who ④sees only the finished item on a shelf. Without ⑤accounting for these earlier stages, a superficial comparison could mistakenly present the vehicle as entirely emission-free.

The immune system produces an almost limitless variety of antibodies, each ① shaped to latch onto one particular molecular target with remarkable specificity. Monoclonal antibody drugs harness this natural precision by cloning a single antibody-producing cell in the laboratory, ② generating an army of identical antibodies built to recognize one target, such as a protein on a cancer cell or a molecule driving an autoimmune disease. Because the antibody binds only to its intended target, these drugs tend to spare healthy tissue far more effectively than traditional chemotherapy, ③ which attacks any rapidly dividing cell regardless of whether it is cancerous. Manufacturing monoclonal antibodies remains far more complicated than producing a conventional small-molecule pill, since living cells must ④ cultivating in carefully controlled bioreactors for weeks before the antibody can be purified and prepared for use. This complexity keeps monoclonal antibody treatments considerably more expensive than most conventional drugs, a cost that continues ⑤ to shape debates over pricing and access.

Modern consumer culture often assumes that expanding the range of available options will automatically make people ① freer and happier, yet a growing body of research suggests the opposite may sometimes be true. When individuals select from an enormous set of alternatives, satisfaction with the final choice frequently ② increases rather than declines, even when the chosen item is objectively excellent. This decline stems not from the difficulty of deciding but from what happens afterward, once a decision has already been made. Having considered so many possibilities, a person naturally imagines the specific advantages that a different, unchosen option might have offered, and this imagined comparison ③ quietly erodes contentment with what was actually selected. By contrast, someone who chose from only two or three alternatives rarely constructs such an ④ elaborate fantasy of missed advantages. The paradox, therefore, is that abundance can free people from external constraint while simultaneously ⑤ trapping them in a private cycle of comparison and regret.

A small bakery once sold a basic loaf of bread for three dollars and a premium loaf for six dollars, and most customers, uncertain about the added value of the pricier option, simply bought the ① cheaper one. The owner then introduced a third option: a slightly larger premium loaf priced at seven dollars, one that was clearly ② inferior to the six-dollar loaf in terms of value for money. Almost nobody chose the new seven-dollar loaf, yet sales of the six-dollar loaf ③ fell sharply, because it now appeared to be an obvious bargain when placed beside the inferior newcomer. This pattern, confirmed across countless pricing experiments in other markets, demonstrates that people ④ rarely judge options in isolation; instead, they evaluate choices relative to whatever alternatives happen to be nearby. Businesses have since learned to design such decoys deliberately, not expecting them to be purchased at all, but hoping they will make a specific target option look far more ⑤ attractive by comparison.

A navigation app calculating a route rarely relies on distance alone; instead, it constantly weighs real-time traffic reports, past congestion patterns for that time of day, and even data from other drivers' phones currently on the road. This flood of information allows the app to ① reroute a driver away from a sudden accident within seconds, often before the driver has any idea the accident occurred at all. The convenience comes at a ② cost that few passengers consider, however. When thousands of drivers are simultaneously redirected onto the same shortcut, that quiet side street can quickly become as ③ congested as the highway it was meant to help travelers avoid. Residents of these once-quiet neighborhoods have increasingly ④ complained about the sudden surge of unfamiliar traffic, arguing that an algorithm optimizing for individual convenience can end up ⑤ solving a new, entirely different problem for the wider community.

A shocking headline can spread across social media within minutes, long before anyone checks whether it is actually true. (A) Simple habits can make a real difference, such as looking for the original source of a claim and checking whether other trustworthy outlets are reporting the same story. (B) To handle this flood of information, students today need a skill that previous generations rarely had to practice: checking a source before believing it. (C) Studies show that false stories often travel faster than accurate ones, partly because surprising or emotional claims get shared more quickly than careful, balanced reporting.

주어진 문장: In other words, the coin cannot somehow sense that it owes the observer a tails after so many heads. Imagine watching a fair coin land on heads five times in a row and feeling an increasingly strong intuition that the next flip is somehow due to produce tails. ( ① ) This intuition, though psychologically compelling, rests on a basic misunderstanding of probability, since each flip of a fair coin remains entirely independent of every flip that came before it. ( ② ) The coin possesses no memory of its previous outcomes, and its probability of landing on tails on the sixth flip stays fixed at fifty percent regardless of how many heads preceded it. ( ③ ) Casinos have long profited from this misconception, watching gamblers place larger bets after a losing streak simply because they mistakenly believe that a win has become statistically overdue. ( ④ ) Economists have even documented the same error among trained professionals, including loan officers who grow more likely to approve a risky application simply because they recently rejected several applications in a row. ( ⑤ )