영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Many households save far less for retirement than conventional financial advice would recommend, not necessarily because they ①lacks the resources to do so, but because a combination of procrastination, present bias, and the discomfort of forgoing current consumption repeatedly delays the decision to begin saving. Recognizing this gap between intention and action, some economists have proposed a savings program in which employees commit today to ②allocating a portion of their future salary increases toward retirement savings, rather than being asked to reduce their current take-home pay immediately. Because the sacrifice applies only to income not yet received, the commitment ③feels far less painful than an equivalent reduction in present earnings would, making employees considerably more willing to enroll. Once enrolled, the contribution rate automatically rises with each subsequent raise, ④gradually increasing savings without requiring any further deliberate action from participants. Field trials of such programs have reported substantial increases in average savings rates over several years, alongside participant satisfaction that ⑤remains notably high.

Cognitive load theory begins from the premise that working memory, the mental workspace in which incoming information is ①temporarily held and manipulated, can accommodate only a limited number of novel elements at any given moment, in stark contrast to the comparatively vast capacity of long-term memory. When instructional materials ②introduce more interacting elements than this narrow workspace can simultaneously process, learners experience what theorists call cognitive overload, a condition under which comprehension deteriorates and errors multiply regardless of how motivated the learner might be. Because much of this burden ③arises not from the intrinsic difficulty of the subject matter itself but from the manner in which information is presented, instructional designers can substantially reduce unnecessary strain by eliminating redundant explanations, ④aligning visual and verbal elements so that learners need not mentally integrate scattered sources, and gradually withdrawing guidance as competence develops. Ignoring these principles, by contrast, ⑤risks to overwhelm novices with demands that exceed their processing capacity, however well-organized the underlying content may be.

Traditional industrial systems have relied on a linear model of production, in which raw materials ①are extracted, transformed into goods, and eventually discarded as waste. This approach treats natural resources as if unlimited and disposal as if costless. A circular economy proposes an alternative framework in which materials ②is kept in continuous use through reuse, repair, and recycling, thereby reducing the extraction of virgin resources. Central to this model is the notion that waste, rather than ③being an inevitable byproduct, can be redesigned as a resource for another process, much as fallen leaves nourish the trees that shed them. For example, manufacturers design products so that components can be disassembled and ④reused in new items once their original function ends. Some companies also lease equipment instead of selling it outright, ⑤retaining responsibility for refurbishment.

Attention, students! Our school festival ①are going green this year, and we truly need your help. This event aims to reduce the disposable waste ②that usually piles up during the celebration. First, please bring your own cup, plate, and utensils to every food booth you visit. Second, each booth should use reusable decorations rather than paper banners ③that get thrown away within hours. Students ④who join as Green Helpers will manage the recycling stations, sorting cans, bottles, and paper carefully all day long. Therefore, everyone's small cooperation will directly lower the amount of trash sent to the landfill. However, single-use plastic bags are strictly prohibited at every booth this year. If your booth needs supplies, please contact the student council office before Friday. Let us work together to create a festival ⑤that is both fun and eco-friendly.

Over the past two decades, insights drawn from behavioral economics have moved beyond academic journals and into the machinery of government itself, reshaping how numerous public programs are designed and implemented. Tax authorities in several countries, for example, discovered that simply informing citizens how many of their neighbors had already paid overdue taxes on time substantially ①increased subsequent compliance rates, outperforming letters that merely threatened legal penalties for continued nonpayment. Public health agencies have applied similar principles to encourage preventive care, finding that appointment reminders phrased to emphasize the personal cost of a missed visit proved more ②ineffective than neutral reminders listing only the date and time. Employment offices redesigned job-seeking assistance programs around specific, actionable steps rather than general encouragement, discovering that participants who were asked to write down a concrete plan for the following week were considerably more likely to follow through than those who received only ③general advice. What unites these disparate interventions is a shared recognition that small, carefully tested adjustments to how choices are presented can produce measurable improvements in outcomes, often at a fraction of the cost required by traditional programs involving substantial financial incentives or extensive ④enforcement. This accumulated evidence has encouraged many governments to establish dedicated units tasked with applying behavioral insights ⑤systematically to policy problems across an increasingly broad range of domains.

Anyone who has tried to name the ink color of a word like red printed in blue letters knows how surprisingly difficult the task can feel. This everyday struggle, known as the Stroop effect, deserves more attention than casual curiosity grants it, because it reveals something fundamental about how the mind allocates its limited resources. Reading a familiar word is an automatic process practiced so extensively since childhood that it proceeds almost involuntarily, whereas naming a color requires deliberate, controlled attention. When these two processes point toward conflicting answers, _______________. Educators should not dismiss this delay as a trivial curiosity confined to laboratories, since the same competition between habit and intention underlies far more consequential situations, such as a driver's struggle to resist checking a phone despite knowing the danger. Recognizing how automatic responses can hijack conscious intentions is essential for designing environments, from classrooms to highways, that support rather than undermine our efforts at self-control.

Imagine a distant planet identical to Earth in every visible respect, except that the clear liquid its inhabitants call "water" is not H2O but a different compound, XYZ, that happens to look, taste, and behave exactly the same. When an Earthling and a Twin Earthling each say the word "water," they seem to mean the same thing, since neither could tell the substances apart without a chemistry lab. Philosopher Hilary Putnam used this scenario to argue that the meaning of a word is not determined solely by what happens inside a speaker's head. Even though the two speakers hold identical thoughts and mental images when they use the word, their statements refer to two different substances, because the underlying chemical composition, not personal belief, fixes what a word ultimately picks out. Meaning, Putnam concluded, _______________.

Color plays a surprisingly powerful role in how consumers perceive brands, often shaping first impressions before a single word is read. Blue, for instance, is frequently used by financial and technology companies because it tends to evoke feelings of trust and stability. Red, in contrast, is associated with energy and urgency, which explains why it appears so often in logos for fast-food chains and clearance sales. Green typically signals freshness or environmental responsibility, making it a popular choice for organic food brands. Despite these general patterns, ___________. Marketers who ignore these cultural differences risk sending unintended messages to international audiences. For this reason, companies expanding into new markets often conduct extensive research before finalizing a logo's color scheme.

Minji looked forward to Jimin's livestreams every single evening without fail. (A) Eventually, at a crowded fan event, Jimin treated her exactly like any other stranger waiting in line. (B) Over time, she began to feel that the two of them shared a genuine, personal friendship. (C) That moment made Minji realize that the closeness she had felt existed only on her side.

Walking down a crowded street while staring at a phone screen has become such a common sight that it barely draws attention anymore, even though the habit turns a pedestrian into one of the least alert people on the sidewalk. (A) Hospitals have reported a steady rise in injuries linked to distracted walking, ranging from minor scrapes after tripping over a curb to serious collisions with moving vehicles at intersections. (B) Researchers who study attention describe this as a kind of tunnel vision: a person absorbed in a text message or a video processes only a narrow slice of the surrounding environment. (C) What makes this danger especially difficult to address is that pedestrians rarely recognize the risk in the moment; unlike distracted driving, which is widely condemned, glancing at a phone while crossing the street still feels like a harmless habit.