영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Retailers frequently rely on sales events to boost short-term revenue, but the psychology behind these promotions is more complex than simple discounting. When a price is crossed out and replaced with a lower number, consumers instinctively ①perceive the new price as a bargain. This technique, ②known as anchoring, shapes how shoppers judge value by comparing prices rather than evaluating a product on its own merits. Limited-time sales further intensify this effect, since a ticking clock ③encourage rushed decisions that leave little room for careful comparison. Retailers also use phrases such as "while supplies last" to suggest scarcity, even when inventory ④remains plentiful. Over time, frequent sales can actually train customers ⑤to wait for discounts rather than buy at full price.

A goal should be specific, which means ①describing exactly what you want to do instead of using vague words. It should also be measurable, so you can check your progress with numbers, such as ②counting pages read or minutes exercised. A goal should be achievable, meaning it ③fit your current situation and is not too difficult to reach. It should also be relevant, ④which means it truly matters to your life and interests. Finally, a goal should be time-bound, ⑤having a clear deadline that pushes you to take action instead of waiting.

As nudging has moved from academic theory into widespread practice, a persistent ethical question has accompanied its rise: at what point ①does subtly guiding behavior for someone's own benefit shade into manipulation that undermines their capacity for autonomous choice? Proponents typically distinguish nudges from manipulation by pointing to transparency and reversibility, arguing that a legitimate nudge ②operate openly, can be easily resisted by anyone who wishes to opt out, and ultimately serves the interests of the person being nudged rather than the interests of whoever designed the intervention. Critics counter that this distinction often collapses in practice, since many effective nudges work precisely because they ③exploit cognitive processes operating below conscious awareness, meaning that the person being influenced may never fully register that a nudge is even occurring. A supermarket that arranges healthier foods at eye level, for instance, differs only in the direction of its influence, not in its underlying mechanism, from a supermarket that ④arranges the most profitable items at eye level. This tension suggests that the ethical status of a nudge cannot be evaluated by examining its psychological mechanism alone; instead, it must be judged according to the intentions of the party who ⑤designs it and the outcome that design is intended to produce.

On the first day of winter break, my friend Yuna and I sat in a cafe and talked about the new year ahead. Instead of making separate plans, we decided to write our goals ①together on one sheet of paper. At first, it felt ②exciting, but after two weeks, I began to feel tired and wanted to quit. Yuna noticed my short replies and ③ignored me instead of just texting. She reminded me why I had chosen this goal in the first place, and her words gave me new ④energy. Because we supported each other through difficult moments, both of us successfully ⑤reached our goals by spring.

As technology continues to reshape nearly every profession, the idea of finishing education after graduation has become ①fashionable. Workers who once expected their initial training to last an entire career now find that skills can become obsolete within just a few years. Lifelong learning, therefore, has shifted from being an optional pursuit to a practical ②necessity for staying competitive in the job market. Companies that support this kind of continuous education often ③benefit as well, since employees bring fresh knowledge back into their daily tasks. Critics argue that constant learning can be ④exhausting and difficult to balance with personal responsibilities. Nevertheless, most career experts insist that those who resist ongoing education risk falling ⑤behind their peers.

Suppose a mysterious being with a near-perfect track record of predicting human choices presents a player with two boxes. (A) The player may choose to take only Box B, or to take both boxes, and the prediction has already been made and cannot change. (B) Box A always contains a visible thousand dollars, while Box B contains either a million dollars or nothing at all, depending on a prediction the being made before the game even began. (C) One line of reasoning says taking both boxes is strictly better, since whatever is already inside the boxes cannot be altered by the player's choice at this point, while a second line of reasoning says taking only Box B is better, given the being's near-perfect accuracy.

One reason many consumers hesitate to switch to greener options involves a specific pricing gap that economists have named. (A) This price gap frequently discourages shoppers who support sustainability in principle but cannot justify the additional expense, while wealthier consumers can absorb the premium more easily, which creates unequal participation in green markets. (B) This gap, known as the green premium, describes the extra cost that consumers must pay when they choose an environmentally friendly product over a cheaper, conventional alternative; for example, an electric vehicle or solar-powered appliance often carries a higher price tag than its gasoline-powered or coal-based counterpart, even though it produces fewer emissions. (C) To narrow this gap, governments have introduced subsidies and tax credits that lower upfront costs, and as production scales up and innovation continues, many economists expect the premium to shrink steadily.

The influence of the status quo bias extends well beyond personal finance into the design of public policy itself. (A) Consequently, policymakers who wish to encourage socially beneficial behavior, such as organ donation or energy conservation, have increasingly turned to adjusting default settings rather than relying solely on persuasion or financial incentives. (B) Countries that changed their organ donation systems from opt-in to opt-out, for example, observed dramatic increases in the proportion of citizens registered as donors, without any change in the underlying laws governing consent. (C) This outcome demonstrates that the default option itself functions as an implicit recommendation, one that citizens are reluctant to override even when doing so would take only a moment.

Every brand has a history, but not every brand knows how to tell it well. (A) For example, a small shoe company once shared the story of its founder's grandfather, who had repaired shoes for workers in need. (B) Consequently, other companies began investing in storytelling as a core part of their marketing strategy. (C) Stories like this create emotional connections that plain advertisements rarely achieve on their own.

The rejection of unfair offers in the ultimatum game raises an intriguing evolutionary question. (A) One explanation suggests that a willingness to punish unfairness, even at a personal cost, may have conferred long-term advantages within small communities where reputation and repeated interaction mattered greatly. (B) If punishing unfairness is costly in the short term, why would such a tendency have persisted across generations rather than being eliminated by more narrowly self-interested behavior? (C) An individual known to reject unfair offers discourages others from proposing unfair terms in future interactions, ultimately securing fairer treatment over the course of a lifetime.