영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

It would be comforting to believe that anything sufficiently large or obvious appearing ① within our field of vision will automatically capture our attention, yet decades of research into inattentional blindness suggest otherwise. When people are absorbed ② in a demanding task, such as counting how many times a ball is passed between players, they frequently fail to notice an unexpected and conspicuous event unfolding in plain sight, even something as unlikely as a person in a costume walking through the scene. This failure does not stem from a defect in the eyes, which register ③ the stimulus perfectly well, but from the fact that conscious perception depends heavily on where attention has been directed. Policymakers ought to take this finding more seriously than they currently do, because it implies that simply placing ④ a warning sign within someone's visual range offers no guarantee that it will be consciously registered. Designing safer environments, therefore, requires account ⑤ for the limits of attention itself, not merely assuming that visibility alone ensures awareness.

My cousin, who has never taken a single music lesson, recently used a composing app on her phone to write a short song for her friend's birthday video. Watching her work, I realized the app ① worsened much of the technical difficulty that used to stop beginners from composing at all, automatically keeping her melody in key and suggesting chords that matched the mood she selected. What the app could not do, however, was decide which four notes actually felt right for the opening line, or when a ② pause said more than another note would have. She spent nearly an hour ③ adjusting a single short phrase until it matched the feeling she wanted to capture, deleting and replaying it dozens of times. Watching her patient trial and error, I understood that these tools ④ lower the technical barrier to making music, but they do not remove the very human task of deciding what a piece of music is actually trying to ⑤ say.

Sociologist Karl Mannheim argued that individuals who come of age during the same historical period tend to share a ① distinctive outlook shaped by the events, technologies, and crises that defined their formative years, a phenomenon he called a generational unit. Because each generation absorbs its foundational assumptions during adolescence and early adulthood, later generations raised amid different circumstances often develop noticeably ② identical values regarding work, authority, and communication, even within the same family. This divergence ③ produces what is commonly called a generational gap, most visible when older members of a household interpret a younger relative's habits as a rejection of tradition. Mannheim cautioned against viewing either generation as simply right or wrong, insisting instead that each generation's worldview reflects a ④ coherent response to the particular historical conditions it encountered, conditions that inevitably ⑤ differ from those faced by earlier and later generations.

Walking down a crowded street while staring at a phone screen has become such a common sight that it barely draws attention anymore, even though the habit turns a pedestrian into one of the ① most alert people on the sidewalk. Researchers who study attention describe this as a kind of tunnel vision: a person absorbed in a text message or a video processes only a ② narrow slice of the surrounding environment, filtering out approaching cars, uneven pavement, and other pedestrians almost entirely. What makes this danger especially difficult to address is that pedestrians ③ rarely recognize the risk in the moment; unlike distracted driving, which is widely ④ condemned, glancing at a phone while crossing the street still feels like a ⑤ harmless habit to most people who do it every day.

Modern consumer culture often assumes that expanding the range of available options will automatically make people ① freer and happier, yet a growing body of research suggests the opposite may sometimes be true. When individuals select from an enormous set of alternatives, satisfaction with the final choice frequently ② increases rather than declines, even when the chosen item is objectively excellent. This decline stems not from the difficulty of deciding but from what happens afterward, once a decision has already been made. Having considered so many possibilities, a person naturally imagines the specific advantages that a different, unchosen option might have offered, and this imagined comparison ③ quietly erodes contentment with what was actually selected. By contrast, someone who chose from only two or three alternatives rarely constructs such an ④ elaborate fantasy of missed advantages. The paradox, therefore, is that abundance can free people from external constraint while simultaneously ⑤ trapping them in a private cycle of comparison and regret.

Walking through the old industrial district downtown, I noticed that a gray concrete wall had been transformed overnight into a wild swirl of color, letters, and cartoon figures. Some residents complained to the city office, calling it vandalism and demanding that workers paint over it immediately. Others argued that the same wall had been an ugly, forgotten eyesore for years, and that the graffiti artist had simply given it a voice no one else bothered to give it. This disagreement reveals a tension at the heart of street art: _______________. The line between vandalism and art, it seems, often depends less on the paint itself than on who gave permission to use the wall.

A small bakery once sold a basic loaf of bread for three dollars and a premium loaf for six dollars, and most customers, uncertain about the added value of the pricier option, simply bought the cheaper one. (A) Almost nobody chose this new seven-dollar loaf, yet sales of the six-dollar loaf rose sharply, because it now appeared to be an obvious bargain beside the inferior newcomer. (B) This pattern, confirmed across countless pricing experiments in other markets, demonstrates that people rarely judge options in isolation but instead evaluate them relative to whatever alternatives happen to be nearby. (C) The owner then introduced a third option: a slightly larger premium loaf priced at seven dollars, one that was clearly inferior to the six-dollar loaf in terms of value for money.

Riding a bicycle is one of the most popular ways for teenagers to get around, yet many students still skip the one piece of equipment that could save their life: the helmet. (A) Wearing a helmet does not prevent a fall, but it dramatically reduces the chance of a serious head injury when one occurs. (B) A sudden pothole, a car door opening without warning, or a patch of gravel can throw even an experienced cyclist off balance in an instant. (C) Some argue that a short trip to a nearby store does not require any special protection, since the risk feels distant and unlikely, but most accidents actually happen close to home, on familiar streets where riders feel too comfortable to expect danger.

This built-in urgency, in other words, is precisely what the system is designed to preserve, not an inconvenience to be silenced away. A loud, jarring alert sound interrupting a phone's normal notifications usually means one thing: a government agency has issued an emergency text to everyone in a specific area, warning of anything from a flash flood to a missing child. ( ① ) These messages are designed to reach people instantly, without requiring anyone to download an app or subscribe to a service in advance, since a disaster rarely waits for someone to prepare. ( ② ) Some residents complain that the alerts arrive too frequently or for events that feel minor, leading a small number of people to silence the notifications altogether. ( ③ ) Safety officials warn that this response defeats the entire purpose of the system, since a person who mutes every alert for convenience will also miss the one message that truly demands immediate action. ( ④ ) Unlike a weather app that must be checked voluntarily, an emergency alert pushes urgent information directly to a person's pocket, cutting through distraction in a way that no other communication method can consistently match. ( ⑤ )

This sudden and violent stop is precisely what causes so many of the most severe injuries in a crash. Seatbelts are so woven into the experience of riding in a car that many passengers buckle them without thinking, yet a surprising number of teenagers still skip them for short trips, assuming that a five-minute drive to a friend's house does not carry much risk. ( ① ) Traffic safety data tell a different story: most fatal crashes occur within a few kilometers of home, on roads drivers know so well that they let their guard down. ( ② ) In a collision, a body traveling at a moderate speed continues moving forward at that same speed until something stops it, and without a seatbelt, that something is often the windshield or the dashboard rather than a slower deceleration. ( ③ ) A seatbelt spreads the force of a sudden stop across the stronger parts of the body, such as the hips and chest, instead of concentrating it on the head and neck. ( ④ ) Despite decades of public awareness campaigns, seatbelt use for backseat passengers remains lower than for those sitting in the front. ( ⑤ )