영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Few ideas in policy debate ① provoke as much philosophical unease as the notion that a government might deliberately steer citizens toward better choices while leaving every option technically available. Defenders insist that freedom is preserved as long as no option is banned and no penalty is attached, ② arguing that a citizen who is merely steered, rather than coerced, remains free to choose otherwise. Critics counter that this defense rests on an impoverished notion of liberty, one that ③ ignores how engineered defaults and calculated framing can shape decisions just as powerfully as an outright prohibition would. If a policy is designed because officials expect it to bypass conscious deliberation, these critics ask, can the resulting choice still ④ call autonomous, even though no law was broken? The dispute ultimately turns on what freedom actually ⑤ requires: the mere absence of coercion, or a decision-making process that remains transparent and undistorted.

People often recognize, in calm reflection, that their future selves will be tempted to ① abandoning a goal they currently value. Rather than relying solely on willpower at the critical moment, they may choose to restrict their own future options in advance, a strategy ② known as precommitment. By making certain choices costly, inconvenient, or impossible to reverse, individuals can protect a long-term goal from a short-term impulse that has not yet ③ arisen. A person hoping to save money might lock funds into an account that penalizes early withdrawal, removing the very temptation that would otherwise be difficult to ④ resist. Similarly, someone ⑤ determined to finish a project might publicly announce a deadline, transforming private intentions into a commitment that carries social consequences if broken.

Beyond restoring lost function, engineers are now exploring implants and prosthetics ① designed to give healthy people abilities beyond ordinary human limits, from night vision to reaction times faster than any athlete could achieve through training alone. Supporters frame this as simply the next step in a long history of human enhancement, no different in principle from eyeglasses or vaccines, only more direct. Critics counter that earlier enhancements ② were broadly available to anyone regardless of wealth, while cutting-edge neural and physical implants are likely ③ remaining expensive for decades, potentially splitting society into those who can afford enhancement and those who cannot. If such a divide hardens, competitive advantages in school, sports, and the workplace could come to depend less on effort than on access to capital. What began as a medical tool for restoring what was lost, in other words, may end up ④ redefining the baseline of what counts as an ordinary human being ⑤ altogether.

Our school's book club, Page Turners, meets every Wednesday to discuss a book the members chose. At the start of each month, students suggest titles and vote to pick one. This way, everyone feels some ①indifference over what the club reads next. Before each meeting, members read several chapters and prepare a few questions. During the meeting, the leader opens discussion by asking a question about the story's main idea. Then members take turns sharing their opinions, even when they disagree with each other. For example, students once argued for a long time about a character's ②difficult choice. Such debates, though sometimes ③loud, help members understand ④different points of view. At the end of the semester, the club holds an event to recommend favorite books. Through this process, reading becomes less like homework and more like a ⑤shared conversation.

A small bakery once sold a basic loaf of bread for three dollars and a premium loaf for six dollars, and most customers, uncertain about the added value of the pricier option, simply bought the ① cheaper one. The owner then introduced a third option: a slightly larger premium loaf priced at seven dollars, one that was clearly ② inferior to the six-dollar loaf in terms of value for money. Almost nobody chose the new seven-dollar loaf, yet sales of the six-dollar loaf ③ fell sharply, because it now appeared to be an obvious bargain when placed beside the inferior newcomer. This pattern, confirmed across countless pricing experiments in other markets, demonstrates that people ④ rarely judge options in isolation; instead, they evaluate choices relative to whatever alternatives happen to be nearby. Businesses have since learned to design such decoys deliberately, not expecting them to be purchased at all, but hoping they will make a specific target option look far more ⑤ attractive by comparison.

Last spring, Mina joined the school environmental club because she wanted to make a difference. At first, she felt ①nervous about speaking in front of the other members. However, the club leader, who had been recycling for years, welcomed her ②warmly. Every Friday, the members walked around the school picking up trash near the playground. Mina soon realized that this weekly habit was like watering a small plant every day. For example, a single plastic bottle left outside could take hundreds of years to ③disappear. Therefore, the club decided to place clear recycling bins in every classroom. In contrast to her early doubts, Mina began to feel ④proud of the changes she noticed. Her classmates ⑤stopped separating cans and paper without being reminded by teachers. By the end of the semester, Mina had become an active member.

It would be comforting to believe that anything sufficiently large or obvious appearing within our field of vision will automatically capture our attention, yet decades of research into inattentional blindness suggest otherwise. When people are absorbed in a demanding task, such as counting how many times a ball is passed between players, they frequently fail to notice an unexpected and conspicuous event unfolding in plain sight, even something as unlikely as a person in a costume walking through the scene. This failure does not stem from a defect in the eyes, which register the stimulus perfectly well, but from the fact that _______________. Policymakers ought to take this finding more seriously than they currently do, because it implies that simply placing a warning sign within someone's visual range offers no guarantee that it will be consciously registered. Designing safer environments, therefore, requires accounting for the limits of attention itself, not merely assuming that visibility alone ensures awareness.

Every semester, students groan when the fire alarm rings for another routine drill, filing out of the building as if the exercise were simply a break from class. (A) During an actual fire, thick smoke can fill hallways within minutes, cutting visibility to almost nothing and making it dangerously easy to panic or take a wrong turn. (B) This casual attitude, however, overlooks why the drill exists in the first place. (C) Repeating the same evacuation route again and again trains the body to move automatically, even when the mind is too frightened to think clearly.

A cluster of neurons smaller than a pea can now spontaneously organize itself into layered structures that mimic, in miniature, the architecture of a developing human brain. (A) Because organoids lack sensory organs, a body, or any connection to the outside world, most neuroscientists argue that the structures cannot generate anything resembling subjective experience, though some ethicists believe the field would benefit from establishing clear boundaries now, before the science outruns the conversation about what it means. (B) Grown from stem cells coaxed to follow the same developmental cues that guide an embryo, these brain organoids have begun firing electrical signals in patterns that faintly resemble the activity recorded in an infant's brain. (C) For researchers studying disorders such as autism or schizophrenia, this offers something long unavailable: a living model of human brain development that can be observed and manipulated directly, without ever touching an actual patient.

주어진 문장: No individual, he pointed out, could realistically process every piece of available information before choosing. Classical economic theory long assumed that decision makers gather all relevant information, calculate every possible outcome, and select the single option that maximizes their benefit. ( ① ) Herbert Simon, however, questioned this assumption, arguing that human beings operate under real constraints of time, knowledge, and mental capacity that make such exhaustive calculation practically impossible. ( ② ) Instead of searching endlessly for the theoretically perfect choice, people typically stop once they find an option that seems good enough to meet their immediate needs, a strategy Simon termed satisficing. ( ③ ) A shopper comparing refrigerators, for example, rarely examines every model available; she instead sets a few practical criteria, such as price and size, and selects the first appliance that satisfies them adequately. ( ④ ) This approach is not a failure of reasoning but rather a sensible adaptation to a world where information is costly and time is genuinely limited. ( ⑤ ) Consequently, models assuming unlimited rationality often fail to predict actual behavior, while frameworks acknowledging these cognitive boundaries offer a far more realistic account of how ordinary decisions are actually made.