영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

Classical economic theory long assumed that decision makers ① gather all relevant information, calculate every possible outcome, and select the single option that maximizes their benefit. Herbert Simon, however, questioned this assumption, ② arguing that human beings operate under real constraints of time, knowledge, and mental capacity that make such exhaustive calculation practically impossible. Instead of searching endlessly for the theoretically perfect choice, people typically stop once they find an option that seems good enough to meet their immediate needs, a strategy Simon ③ termed satisficing. A shopper comparing refrigerators, for example, rarely examines every model available; she instead sets a few practical criteria, such as price and size, and selects the first appliance that satisfies them adequately. This approach is not a failure of reasoning but rather a sensible adaptation to a world where information is costly and time is genuinely limited. Consequently, models assuming unlimited rationality often fail to predict actual behavior, while frameworks ④ acknowledge these cognitive boundaries offer a far more realistic account of how ordinary decisions are ⑤ made.

Time blocking is a time-management technique in which a person divides the day into fixed blocks. Each block is then assigned to a single task. Instead of relying on a loose to-do list, the person decides exactly when each task will start and end. This approach ①lowers the mental effort of deciding what to do next, since the schedule already provides the answer. It also ②limits multitasking, because each block is reserved for only one activity at a time. For instance, a student may block ninety minutes for math practice, leaving no room for messages or web browsing. Because each block has a ③vague boundary, unfinished work is ④less likely to quietly spread into the next task. Many people who adopt time blocking feel ⑤more organized throughout the day.

Before a large-scale construction project such as a highway or dam receives government approval, planners in many countries are required to conduct an environmental impact assessment, a formal process designed to ①predict and evaluate the ecological consequences of a proposed development. This process begins with a baseline survey, in which specialists document ②existing conditions, including wildlife, water quality, and air composition, so that future changes can be measured against a reference point. Analysts then model how the project might alter these conditions, drawing on data from ③comparable developments. For instance, a proposed highway that would bisect a forest might be evaluated for its potential to fragment habitats, disrupting migration routes on which certain species depend. If the assessment identifies ④acceptable risks, planners may be required to redesign the project or adopt mitigation measures such as wildlife corridors. Critics contend, however, that assessments are sometimes treated as a bureaucratic formality rather than a ⑤genuine constraint, since developers who commission the studies retain strong influence over how the findings are interpreted.

When people encounter solid scientific evidence about climate change, we might expect them to accept it without hesitation. However, many individuals still dismiss or downplay such evidence, and psychologists explain this pattern through a concept called motivated reasoning. Motivated reasoning refers to _______________. For example, a person whose livelihood depends on the fossil fuel industry may unconsciously search for reasons to doubt climate data, even while claiming to value scientific accuracy. This happens because accepting uncomfortable facts can threaten a person's sense of self or demand costly lifestyle changes. Therefore, simply presenting more data rarely persuades a committed skeptic. Instead, experts suggest connecting climate information to values the person already holds, such as family safety or economic stability, so that acceptance feels natural rather than threatening.

Modern consumer culture often assumes that expanding the range of available options will automatically make people freer and happier, yet a growing body of research suggests the opposite may sometimes be true. When individuals select from an enormous set of alternatives, satisfaction with the final choice frequently declines rather than rises, even when the chosen item is objectively excellent. Having considered so many possibilities, a person naturally imagines the specific advantages that a different, unchosen option might have offered, and this imagined comparison quietly erodes contentment with what was actually selected. The paradox, therefore, is that _______________.

A small bakery once sold a basic loaf for three dollars and a premium loaf for six dollars, and most customers simply bought the cheaper one. The owner then introduced a third option: a slightly larger premium loaf priced at seven dollars, one that was clearly inferior to the six-dollar loaf in terms of value for money. Almost nobody chose the new seven-dollar loaf, yet sales of the six-dollar loaf rose sharply, because _______________. This pattern demonstrates that people rarely judge options in isolation; instead, they evaluate choices relative to whatever alternatives happen to be nearby.

Imagine watching a fair coin land on heads five times in a row and feeling an increasingly strong intuition that the next flip is somehow due to produce tails. This intuition rests on a basic misunderstanding of probability, since each flip of a fair coin remains entirely independent of every flip that came before it. Casinos have long profited from this misconception, watching gamblers place larger bets after a losing streak simply because they mistakenly believe that a win has become statistically overdue. Economists have even documented the same error among trained professionals, including loan officers who grow more likely to approve a risky application simply because _______________.

In the days leading up to an endurance event, many athletes deliberately increase their carbohydrate intake while reducing training volume, a practice known as carbohydrate loading. (A) Because glycogen serves as the primary fuel source during prolonged, intense exercise, entering an event with fuller stores can delay the point of exhaustion that runners often call hitting the wall. (B) Sports nutritionists caution, however, that the timing and composition of meals matter as much as the total quantity of carbohydrate consumed. (C) The strategy is designed to maximize the amount of glycogen, the storage form of carbohydrate, packed into muscle tissue before competition begins.

Walking through the old industrial district downtown, I noticed that a gray concrete wall had been transformed overnight into a wild swirl of color, letters, and cartoon figures. (A) Some residents complained to the city office, calling it vandalism and demanding that workers paint over it immediately. (B) Others argued that the same wall had been an ugly, forgotten eyesore for years, and that the graffiti artist had simply given it a voice no one else bothered to give it. (C) This disagreement reveals a tension at the heart of street art: without permission, even a skillful piece can be labeled a crime, yet many cities now invite artists to paint designated walls legally.

Memory researchers have long recognized that learning is not simply a matter of accumulating information without cost. Newly acquired material can collide with what the mind already holds, producing measurable disruptions in recall. (A) Conversely, when material learned later undermines the recollection of something acquired earlier, the process is labeled retroactive interference. This second mechanism explains why switching to a new keyboard layout can temporarily impair typing on a familiar one. (B) Both processes suggest that memories compete for the same limited retrieval pathways rather than resting in isolated compartments. This insight carries real implications for how students approach studying multiple similar subjects. Instead of cramming closely related material back to back, spacing out review sessions can reduce competition between overlapping traces. Varying study contexts further helps preserve accuracy for both old and new information alike. (C) When earlier knowledge interferes with the retrieval of information learned afterward, psychologists call this proactive interference. This phenomenon explains why someone who memorized an old phone number for years may struggle to recall a new one.