영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

During exam season last year, our school counselor ① introduced a weekly drop-in session where students could paint freely for thirty minutes without any instructions or grading. I attended mostly out of curiosity, ② expecting a relaxing but ultimately pointless activity, since I have never considered myself artistically talented. To my surprise, filling a blank page with color, without worrying whether the result looked good, ③ left me noticeably calmer than scrolling through my phone during the same amount of free time. The counselor explained that art therapy does not aim to produce impressive paintings; it simply gives people a way ④ express feelings that are difficult to put into words, especially frustration or anxiety that builds up silently during a stressful week. Several classmates who initially came only to avoid studying kept ⑤ returning on their own afterward.

Classical economic theory long assumed that decision makers ① gather all relevant information, calculate every possible outcome, and select the single option that maximizes their benefit. Herbert Simon, however, questioned this assumption, ② arguing that human beings operate under real constraints of time, knowledge, and mental capacity that make such exhaustive calculation practically impossible. Instead of searching endlessly for the theoretically perfect choice, people typically stop once they find an option that seems good enough to meet their immediate needs, a strategy Simon ③ termed satisficing. A shopper comparing refrigerators, for example, rarely examines every model available; she instead sets a few practical criteria, such as price and size, and selects the first appliance that satisfies them adequately. This approach is not a failure of reasoning but rather a sensible adaptation to a world where information is costly and time is genuinely limited. Consequently, models assuming unlimited rationality often fail to predict actual behavior, while frameworks ④ acknowledge these cognitive boundaries offer a far more realistic account of how ordinary decisions are ⑤ made.

Anyone who has ever promised to finish a project "by Friday," only ① to still being working on it weeks later, has experienced the planning fallacy firsthand. This term describes the persistent tendency of individuals and organizations ② to underestimate how long a task will take, how much it will cost, and how many complications will inevitably arise. What makes this bias particularly stubborn is that awareness of past failures rarely leads to more accurate predictions; a construction firm that ③ finished its last three projects late will often insist, with genuine confidence, that this next project will be different. Researchers argue that planners focus almost exclusively on the specific steps of the current task while ④ ignoring the broader statistical record of similar projects that came before. Until such external correction becomes standard practice, ambitious deadlines will likely continue to be ⑤ broken with remarkable consistency.

Our film club spent an entire semester making a five-minute short film, and I was ① startling to learn just how little of that time was actually spent filming. We wrote and rewrote the script for nearly a month, then ② spent another two weeks drawing simple storyboards to plan every camera angle before a single scene was recorded. Filming itself took only two Saturday afternoons, yet editing the footage afterward ③ consumed nearly six additional weeks, as we combed through hours of raw clips to choose the handful of seconds that actually made it into the final version. Our advisor warned us early on that amateur filmmakers usually underestimate editing the most, ④ assuming that a good script and decent camera work will carry a film on their own. By the time our short film premiered at the school festival, I understood that the visible five minutes represented only a small fraction of the invisible work that ⑤ had shaped it.

When workers receive a five percent raise in a year when prices have climbed five percent as well, their real purchasing power has not changed at all, yet many still report feeling ① noticeably better off. This tendency to judge economic well-being by ② nominal figures printed on a paycheck, rather than by what that money can actually purchase, is known among economists as money illusion. Employers exploit this pattern by favoring modest nominal raises over deeper structural adjustments, since a visible increase on a payslip ③ disappoints employees more effectively than an explanation about inflation could. The illusion persists even among people who claim to understand inflation well, which suggests that the bias operates at an ④ intuitive level that formal knowledge does not easily override. Some economists argue that policymakers should exploit this illusion strategically, since workers resist nominal wage cuts far more ⑤ fiercely than they resist the equivalent erosion of real wages.

It would be alarming ① to believe that anything sufficiently large or obvious appearing within our field of vision will automatically capture our attention, yet decades of research into inattentional blindness suggest otherwise. When people are absorbed in a demanding task, such as counting how many times a ball is passed between players, they frequently fail to notice an unexpected and conspicuous ② event unfolding in plain sight, even something as unlikely as a person in a costume walking through the scene. This failure does not stem from a defect ③ in the eyes, which register the stimulus perfectly well, but from the fact that conscious perception depends heavily on where attention has been directed. Policymakers ought to take this finding more seriously than they currently do, because it implies that simply placing a warning sign within someone's visual range offers no guarantee ④ that it will be consciously registered. Designing safer environments, therefore, requires accounting for the limits of attention itself, not merely assuming that visibility alone ensures ⑤ awareness.

Among the many strategies proposed to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, one of the oldest draws on an agricultural technique predating modern industry, converting organic material into a stable form of charcoal known as biochar. Biochar is produced through pyrolysis, _______________. This process leaves behind a carbon-rich solid that resists decomposition far longer than raw organic matter, locking carbon in a form remaining stable in soil for centuries. When mixed into farmland, biochar also improves soil structure, retaining moisture and nutrients otherwise lost, which can boost crop yields in depleted soils. For example, farmers cultivating nutrient-poor tropical soils have reported measurable increases in productivity after adding biochar. Nevertheless, researchers caution that the climate benefits of biochar depend on the feedstock and method used, since poorly managed pyrolysis can release as much carbon as it sequesters, undermining its own purpose.

Consider a large heap containing ten thousand grains of sand. (A) Something has clearly gone wrong along the way, since no reasonable person would call one grain of sand a heap, but pinpointing exactly which single removal transformed a heap into a non-heap seems impossible. (B) Nearly everyone agrees that removing a single grain from such a heap leaves another heap behind, since surely one grain could never make the difference between a heap and a non-heap. (C) Yet if this principle is applied repeatedly, grain by grain, the heap eventually shrinks to a single lonely grain, or even to no grains at all, and logic alone seems to force us to accept that this final result still counts as a heap.

Before a single line of dialogue is written for many animated shows, a character designer has already spent weeks deciding how that character should look, move, and be recognized at a glance. (A) Small choices, she added, carry surprising weight: rounded shapes tend to feel friendly and safe, while sharp angles suggest danger or power, even to viewers who have never studied design. (B) A visiting illustrator who spoke at our school explained that a truly successful design should be identifiable even as a plain black silhouette, since audiences often notice a character's outline before they notice any facial detail. (C) She showed us early sketches of a now-famous cartoon hero, in which the same personality had been tested through dozens of different body shapes, from short and round to tall and angular, before the final version was chosen.

주어진 문장: This small success, in turn, created enough momentum that stopping suddenly felt more difficult than continuing. Jian wanted to become a reader for years, but every time he picked up a thick novel, he felt overwhelmed and quickly closed it. ( ① ) His cousin, who had read dozens of books that year, told him about something called the two-minute rule. ( ② ) This rule states that a new habit should be shrunk to under two minutes, since a smaller starting point removes the friction that usually stops people from beginning. ( ③ ) Instead of committing to a full chapter each night, Jian promised himself only to open a book and read one page. ( ④ ) Some nights he stopped after that single page, but most nights, once started, he kept reading for twenty or thirty minutes without noticing. ( ⑤ ) Because the initial barrier became so small, sitting down no longer felt like a burden requiring willpower. Within three months, Jian had finished five books, proving that reducing friction can matter more than motivation itself.