영어 모의고사 (자동 편성)

For much of the twentieth century, memory researchers assumed that once a memory ①had been consolidated—transformed from a fragile, short-term trace into a stable, long-term representation—it remained essentially fixed, immune to further modification unless the underlying neural circuitry was physically damaged. This assumption, however, was overturned by a body of research demonstrating that the act of retrieval itself ②can destabilizing a previously consolidated memory, ③rendering it temporarily susceptible to alteration before it is, in a sense, filed away again. During this narrow window, ④which typically lasts only a few hours, the memory can be strengthened, weakened, or even subtly distorted by new information encountered in the interim, after which it must undergo a second round of stabilization, a process now widely referred to as reconsolidation. Consequently, what we experience as a stable recollection may actually be a continuously revised construction, reshaped every time it ⑤is summoned into conscious awareness and returned to storage.

Jimin joined the school band club in March, but she ①had never performed before an audience. The club's first concert was only two weeks away, and everyone felt nervous. During practice, her hands shook whenever the song reached the chorus, and she kept missing the same chord. Instead of laughing at her mistakes, the other members waited patiently and ②playing the section again with her. The drummer, Suho, suggested that she ③focus on just one part at a time. Slowly, her fingers grew more confident, and the chord ④that once felt impossible began to feel natural. The club practiced until the melody sounded smooth the night before the concert. When Jimin walked onto the stage, she thought of her friends' patience instead of her fear. The audience clapped warmly, and she realized ⑤her club's support had made the difference.

A food allergy can turn an ordinary snack shared between classmates into a medical ① emergency within minutes, which is why schools now take ingredient labels more seriously than they once did. For someone with a severe allergy, even a trace amount of the wrong ingredient, transferred by a shared spoon or an unwashed hand, can trigger a reaction that closes the airway and becomes ② life-threatening if untreated. Friends of allergic students sometimes assume that a small bite would not cause serious harm, not realizing that the amount needed to trigger anaphylaxis can be ③ larger than a crumb. Recognizing the early signs, such as swelling around the lips, hives, or sudden difficulty breathing, allows classmates and teachers to act before the reaction becomes ④ severe. Many schools now train staff to use an epinephrine auto-injector, a device that can ⑤ reverse a dangerous reaction within seconds.

A navigation app calculating a route rarely relies on distance alone; instead, it constantly weighs real-time traffic reports, past congestion patterns for that time of day, and even data from other drivers' phones currently on the road. This flood of information allows the app to ① reroute a driver away from a sudden accident within seconds, often before the driver has any idea the accident occurred at all. The convenience comes at a ② cost that few passengers consider, however. When thousands of drivers are simultaneously redirected onto the same shortcut, that quiet side street can quickly become as ③ congested as the highway it was meant to help travelers avoid. Residents of these once-quiet neighborhoods have increasingly ④ complained about the sudden surge of unfamiliar traffic, arguing that an algorithm optimizing for individual convenience can end up ⑤ solving a new, entirely different problem for the wider community.

When people face a difficult decision, they often weigh not only the expected outcome of each option but also how ① pleasant it would feel to discover later that a different choice had been better. This anticipation of future regret, rather than the size of the potential loss itself, frequently becomes the ② dominant factor shaping the final decision. Investors, for example, sometimes continue holding a declining stock rather than selling it, not because they expect the price to recover, but because selling would force them to confront the possibility of having made a clear mistake. Researchers have found that people feel ③ sharper regret over losses that resulted from taking action than over identical losses that resulted from doing nothing, which helps explain why so many individuals default to inaction whenever a decision feels ④ uncertain. Ironically, this strategy of avoiding regret can itself produce outcomes that are later regretted even more ⑤ deeply than the ones it was originally designed to prevent.

When Minji was in ninth grade, she posted a joking comment ①praising a classmate's photo, never imagining anyone would remember it later. During the interview, however, one teacher mentioned having seen an old, ②unkind comment under Minji's name while reviewing applicants' profiles. ③Startled, Minji realized that everything she had ever posted online had quietly accumulated into what is called a digital footprint. Although she ④deleted the comment immediately, the damage to her reputation had already been done. She understood that digital footprints rarely disappear completely, because screenshots and memories often ⑤outlast the content itself.

In the late nineteenth century, the psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus undertook a rigorous investigation of forgetting by serving as his own experimental subject. He memorized thousands of meaningless three-letter syllables so that prior knowledge could not skew his results. After learning each list to perfection, he tested his retention at intervals ranging from twenty minutes to a month later. He recorded how many repetitions were required to relearn the material each time. The resulting curve revealed a consistent pattern: _______________. Roughly half of the acquired information vanished within the first hour alone. Yet whatever survived that initial plunge tended to persist for much longer periods. Ebbinghaus further found that distributing study sessions across several days produced better retention than cramming the same repetition into one sitting. This finding, now central to modern learning theory, implies that revisiting material shortly before it would otherwise be forgotten interrupts the decline of the forgetting curve.

When a resource is shared among many users, none of whom bears the full cost of its depletion, each individual is tempted to extract as much value as possible before others do the same. (A) This dynamic, famously labeled the tragedy of the commons, describes how shared pastures and fisheries can be degraded even when every participant privately understands the danger of overuse. (B) A single herder who adds one more animal to a communal pasture gains the entire benefit of that addition, whereas the resulting damage to the grass is shared among other herders who depend on the land. Because self-interest offers no incentive to restrain consumption unilaterally, the resource tends to be exhausted long before any user intends such an outcome. (C) For decades, economists assumed that only two remedies existed: strict regulation or the conversion of shared resources into private property. Elinor Ostrom challenged this assumption, however, by documenting communities that had sustainably managed fisheries and forests for generations through locally devised rules and mutual monitoring rather than external control.

Anyone who has tried to name the ink color of a word like red printed in blue letters knows how surprisingly difficult the task can feel. This everyday struggle, known as the Stroop effect, deserves more attention than casual curiosity grants it, because it reveals something fundamental about how the mind allocates its limited resources. (A) Educators should not dismiss this delay as a trivial curiosity confined to laboratories, since the same competition between habit and intention underlies far more consequential situations, such as a driver's struggle to resist checking a phone despite knowing the danger. Recognizing how automatic responses can hijack conscious intentions is essential for designing environments, from classrooms to highways, that support rather than undermine our efforts at self-control. (B) When these two processes point toward conflicting answers, the automatic pathway tends to intrude upon the controlled one, slowing responses and increasing errors. (C) Reading a familiar word is an automatic process practiced so extensively since childhood that it proceeds almost involuntarily, whereas naming a color requires deliberate, controlled attention.

It would be comforting to believe that anything sufficiently large or obvious appearing within our field of vision will automatically capture our attention, yet decades of research into inattentional blindness suggest otherwise. (A) This failure does not stem from a defect in the eyes, which register the stimulus perfectly well, but from the fact that conscious perception depends heavily on where attention has been directed. (B) When people are absorbed in a demanding task, such as counting how many times a ball is passed between players, they frequently fail to notice an unexpected and conspicuous event unfolding in plain sight, even something as unlikely as a person in a costume walking through the scene. (C) Policymakers ought to take this finding more seriously than they currently do, because it implies that simply placing a warning sign within someone's visual range offers no guarantee that it will be consciously registered. Designing safer environments, therefore, requires accounting for the limits of attention itself, not merely assuming that visibility alone ensures awareness.